Hume Le Prince Battiste: Professional Baseball’s Southern Royalty

Perhaps one of the most interesting and accomplished athletes of all time was Hume Le Prince Battiste, — as well as the story behind his name and how it is tied to his maternal family legacy. His abilities as a multitalented sportsman are such that few have explored them in detail. And it is remarkably difficult to try and not have total admiration this ‘Everyman’ of the early 20th century, who excelled at sports and life in general; only to have his athletic accomplishments become forever lost in the annals of history, unable to find that special place of recognition. For the most part, they still remain shelved among the dusty archives that could never do him the justice he truly deserves. Such achievements remain overlooked. There is no personal judgements on Battiste, because there is no reason to opine about his moral character.

Hume was a well liked, simple man, who lived a simple life.

Still, Battiste broke the color line barriers in the world of sports, where only a few others have tread and been held in such high acclaim for achieving these athletic milestones.

For as little as he is spoken of as a sports figure, Hume Le Prince Battiste was an African American, in all manners and respects as it applies to his lineage, from the time of his birth to date of his death. By today’s standards, he would be considered a tri-racial isolate, because at the time of his birth on through to his death, this phrase did not even exist. And yet, we find that Battiste descended from one of the oldest, wealthiest, Rice producing families in American history. His given ‘christian’ name ‘Hume’, had a tremendous family history and regional legacy, embedded deep within South Carolina’s rice culture — that reaches back to some of the earliest Huguenot families that settled the swap lands of the early Carolinas along the Santee and Pee Dee rivers; in a place formerly called San Miguel de Gualdape, when this colony transitioned from Spanish America to British America.

The Goose Creek Men of South Carolina laid down the roots of a new American political system, which included illegal trade with Pirates of the Caribbean. Port Royal, South Carolina was designed very much like Port Royal, Jamaica. Goose Creek was rounded out with the Gola people of West Africa, also called Gullah in today’s modern society.

These early Goose Creek settlers were the American purveyors of the Golden Seed, Oryza glaberrima, from far off Madagascar — along with their rice growing slaves from the Rice Coast. Whose African rice culture legacies and rice growing technology, was transferred to the Americas through the Columbian Exchange, helping the early Southern colonies amass untold fortunes, and those fortunes are still spoken of with great reverence today.

It was a time when the early Carolina land holdings were distributed by Edward Hyde, first earl of Clarendon; George Monck, first duke of Albemarle; William Craven, first earl of Craven; Anthony Ashley Cooper, first earl of Shaftesbury; John Berkeley, first baron Berkeley of Stratton, and his brother Sir William Berkeley, governor of Virginia; Sir George Carteret; and Sir John Colleton; that moved the Carolinas into an age in American history when rice would become the third largest exported crop from Colonial America to Europe.

Carolina-A description of the island of Jamaica

Lord Propietors of Carolina

Rice as a commodity brought tremendous wealth into the British American colonies, substantial wealth to the British Empire, and perennial wealth to the United States after the Revolutionary War — for well over 200 years. Valued at £13 to £16 (£ = pound sterling) per hundredweight (s-cwt) in 1762, — rice farming drove the commodities market and the need for rice slaves. It was so expensive as a labor intensive product, it was monetarily comparable to exports like tobacco and sugar. So were the slaves that were used to grow rice because of their rice technology knowledge.

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Prices in Colonial Pennsylvania – by Gray, Bezason, Hussey, pg. 402

Long Grain, Middlins, and Grits, were used for everything from feeding the extremely wealthy, to feeding the slaves. There was an age in the history of  Colonial America in the South, when Cotton wasn’t King, …and Rice was; because you could not sustain life by eating cotton. Carolina Gold fed the wealthy, and Red Bearded or Hill rice fed the slaves.

Henry Laurens once wrote: “The Slaves from the River Gambia are preferr’d to all others with us [here in Carolina] save the Gold Coast…. next to Them the Windward Coast are preferr’d to Angolas.“.

Even though rice growing is based in the task system, early rice production was extremely labor intensive, where the average slave lived no longer than 7 years or less, based on fatigue and disease, and sometimes premature death from wildlife that lived in the swamps. The turnover rate for slaves was so great, that these knowledgeable rice slaves used for rice production required a constant influx of Senegambians captured by force and shipped between “Bance Island” (also known as Bunce Island), located in Tagrin Bay in Sierra Leone, and Sullivan’s Island, in South Carolina. These particular grain slaves fed many turnkey rice growing plantation operations that created a Middle Passage trade in overdrive. Bunce Island was one of hundreds of slave factories and castles that peppered the West coast of the African continent.

Advertisement for slave sale, ca. 1780s

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Bance Island —  in Tagrin Bay, Sierra Leone

Bunce_Island_map

Hume Le Prince Battiste, “The Prince“, was the great-great-great grandson of Peter Hume (1690-1746) and Ann Curtis, the great-great grandson Robert Hume (1729-1766) and Ann Walker, the great grandson of John Hume (1762-1841) and Mary Mazyck, and the grandson of Dr. William Hume (1801-1870) and Julia L. Macbeth. The Hume familial wealth derived from a vast network of Rice plantations and slave breaking plantations owned and operated by the Hume Family, and this is well documented throughout early British American ‘Colonial’ history, Colonial American history, Antebellum history, and post Civil War history. Peter Hume, ‘the Patriarch’ and the head of the Hume clan, settled in South Carolina in 1729. The Hume family line descends from Robert the Bruce of Scotland.

The Anderson intelligencer. (Anderson Court House, S.C.), February 06, 1873

The Anderson Intelligencer – February 06, 1873

What still remains hidden in the shadows of Jim Crow’s legacy to this day, — within this particular family’s history, — is the interracial union between Dr. William Hume and his ‘left handed marriage‘ otherwise known as an arranged relationship to Julia L. Macbeth, who gave birth to the majority of Dr. William Hume’s ‘living’ children. William Hume’s two previous wives, Catherine Simons Lucas and Eleanor “Elinory” Jane Lucas, more than likely succumbed to the ravages of disease in the early American swamp land of South Carolina.

Catherine and Eleanor were sisters, and also the daughters of Johnathan Lucas II, son of John Lucas — inventor of the rice mill, which was a British American invention that revolutionized rice production. These arranged marriages of convenience were quite commonplace in early America, and were considered practical where financial and political reasons were concerned. More than likely, both Catherine and Eleanor died from contracting Yellow Fever, which Dr, William Hume performed a series of obsessional scientific and statistical studies on, of this acute viral haemorrhagic disease and its causes. The causes, which he felt ranged from stagnant water that lay within the boundaries of Charleston proper, to the Middle Passage and West Indies slave trade into Charleston, which brought in a constant influx of the newly infected from Africa and the Caribbean Basin as well.

Catherine bore three children that died before they were a year old; and “Elinory” bore two children that survived until late in life.

Because the Hume/Macbeth plaçage arrangement was not legally recognized as a lawful union bound by the laws of marriage, all children born of Julia L. Macbeth followed the law of Partus Sequitur Ventrem. Where the freedom of the child follows the mother’s status, as far as the law was concerned. As for their familial heirship rights to livestock, chattel goods, land ownership and freehold estate inheritance, there was no recognition at all.

The Wedge, the Hopeswee-on-the-Santee (once owned by Thomas Lynch Sr., obtained in a land grant from King George II, it was also the birthplace of Thomas Lynch Jr.), the Goose Creek  rice plantations, and Cat Island slave breaking plantation, along with thousands of acres, — and many other vast real estate holdings in the far reaches of South Carolina, would eventually pass on to the white heirs of the Hume family rice dynasty. Cat Island was a back door to the illegal slave trade from the West Indies, that came out of the Atlantic and entered into Winyah Bay, bypassing established Charlestown malaria, small pox, and yellow fever quarantines.

The Wedge-1923 copy-iThe Wedge Plantation House – circa 1923 (Charleston County)- courtesy of the Georgetown County Library.

Hopsewee Plantation - Georgetown, Georgetown County, South Carolina SC -4
Hopsewee-on-the-Santee Plantation House– – circa 1930 – Georgetown, Georgetown County, South Carolina

Goose Creek Platation Gate
Goose Creek Plantation – Charleston, South Carolina

Robert Hume-mar-24-south-carolina-gazette-and-country-journal-slavery-3-i
South-Carolina Gazette And Country Journal -Robert Hume’s estate runaway slave ad, 1700’s.

Catl Island-Winyah Bay

There have been those who have contested the concepts surrounding the plaçage common law marriage which took place between wealthy white men and black women; women who were referred to as ‘femmes de couleur‘ who lived among the gens du coleur libres, in early America. Jim Crow revisionist history skewed reality for something as simple as two people being involved in a common law relationship for the sake of mere companionship, as something that should be sensationalized and distorted into the myths, akin to the stories of the Tragic Mulatto like “Clotel, Or the President’s Daughter“, creating the never ending, repetitious circle of archetype vs. trope conundrum. Neither term fits the reality of the relationship between Dr. William Hume and Julia L. Macbeth.

The reasoning for this challenging plaçage created mystery may be caused by the limited amount of research on the issues surrounding plaçage in early America, focused mostly on relationships of couples from the French Quarter in Louisiana, — or specifically the city of New Orleans, — while disregarding all other Southern states and large cities all over the South remain ignored. Things such as ‘quadroon balls’ supposedly never took place. That these extralegal agreements based on plaçage, between two consenting parties, never existed. Some tend to embrace the idea that such arrangements were strictly performed through the use of oral contracts between consenting adults, because very little documentation has been recovered on how plaçage functioned as a contractual agreement. Yet, there is sparse documentation, showing in effect, that such long term arrangements were made between women of color and white men of wealth and prestige.

Some say there is no proof that such lifetime, extralegal relationships and agreements between wealthy men of the South, and what genteel society would consider their concubines, ever took place in civilized, genteel society — for moral and ethical reasons. The historical documentation of a long term relationship between Julia L. Macbeth and Dr. William Hume, showing Julia as his kept common law wife and the father of Julia’s seven living children cannot be disputed.

What financial arrangement or agreements took place between Anna Maria Roberson, Julia L. Macbeth’s mother, and Dr. William Hume still remains a mystery. There was both real estate and chattel property held in trust for Julia by William, and possibly for Anna Maria also; but there was also a reversion clause within the agreed upon arrangements of all holdings, for both Julia and her mother, upon their deaths. It should be noted for all intents and purposes, that Julia became William’s common law wife at the age of nineteen. And, their relationship lasted for close to two decades, until his death.

Hume’s mother, Martha Julia Hume Battiste, was born in April of 1866, after the Civil War ended, and her legacy to her father Dr. William Hume was to name her only child, Hume ‘le Prince’, after her father’s surname. The conception of a number of Julia’s children took place while Dr. William Hume was still teaching at the ‘South Carolina Military Academy’, also known as  “The Citadel“, where he was a noted Professor of Chemistry, Geology, Mineralogy, and Experimental Science. Dr. William Hume was most admired, among his many accomplishments, for being the “last man at the Citadel” during the Civil War, as the young men of the Academy marched off to the Battle of Tulifinny.

Dr. William Hume-Citadel 1860

“Official Register of the Officers and Cadets at the South Carolina Military Academy” – November 1849, pg.3

John A. Hume-"Comings St." 1869
Freedmen’s Bureau Records – 1869 – John Hume, son of Julia L. Macbeth and Dr. William Hume, registered his family with the Freedmen’s Bureau, showing his brothers, William Hume, Edward Hume, Thomas Hume, Alford Hume, and sisters Martha Julia (Mattie) Hume and Anna Maria Hume. All of them lived in a two room house at 146 Comings Street, in Charleston, S.C. in 1869.

At the age of thirteen, John Hume, Batiste’s uncle who was named after his maternal grandfather, worked at the Shaw Memorial School, named after Robert Gould Shaw, commander of the Fifty-Fourth Massachusetts Regiment. As a Southern raised African American living in the post Civil War South, working at a school named after the Colonel that lead the assault on Fort Wagner, in Charleston, South Carolina, — during the rise of Jim Crow — seemed like risky business. Given his ability to read and write, that was a risky enough venture during Reconstruction period in the South.

Census_of_the_city_of_Charleston_South_C-pg. 72 copy
Census of the City of Charleston, South Carolina -1861,  pg. 72, showing No. 146 Comings Street, owned by Dr. William Hume, occupied by Julia L. Macbeth, Free Person of Color.

Dr. William Hume also lived in a property held in trust, located at No. 4 Mill Street, in Charleston, S.C., that was willed to his other children, William H. Hume and Annie Hume Mazyck; they were living children of Eleanor Jane Lucas Hume.

Reports of Committees- 30th Congress, 1st Session - 48th Congress ..., Volume 2

Reports of Committees: 45th Congress, 2nd Session – Senate, Report 460, June 4, 1878, to accompany Senate Bil 1352, page 7.

The “Old Citadel” has been renamed “Marion Square“, after General Francis Marion, the “Swamp Fox”. It is located within 8 minutes walking distance of 146 Comings Street, the former dwelling of Julia L. Macbeth. It should be noted that Julia L. Macbeth remained at 146 Coming Street, with her children, till at least the year 1880, according to the U.S. Census records. It should also be noted that Dr. William Hume passed away April 18, 1870, which means Julia remained in this dwelling ten years after his death.

146 Comings to Citadel-Old Map
Citadel Academy– Charleston S.C. Map,  1864

6th Ward-146 Comings St. Between Warren and Ratdliffe

6th Ward -146 Comings Street – Between Warren and Radcliffe, Charleston S.C. Map, 1855

146 Comings to Citadel-Google Map

146 Comings Street to Marion Square

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Julia Macbeth – U.S. 1880 Census Record showing, No. 146 Comings Street – son Edward, daughter Martha, and Julia’s mother,  AnnaMaria” Roberson.

Yes, Hume Le Prince Battiste had both a former slave owning white family, and a Free Person of Color black family, which tells a seldom discussed history and truth of how America developed as a nation. That is truly the fascinating part about the Hume family legacy, along with the Lucas, Simons, Mayzck, Gadsden, and Doar families intertwined by marriage with the Humes. The fact is, Hume Le Prince Battiste ‘passed‘ for Native American successfully and no one ever questioned it. Even though they knew the truth. And as far as it is known about Battiste chosing to identifying as an “Indian”, he was the only person in the history of professional baseball to have gotten away with ‘passing’ for his entire baseball career; which was short lived and far away from the his ancestral birthplace in Beaufort County, South Carolina. The story behind Battiste passing as a Native American is one that was concocted by both sides of his family, and carried on by others for a number of reasons.

1) Because of his intelligence, Hume would be granted opportunities in life that the majority of his African American family could never take advantage of, based on the white family-black family legacy and their age, — where the ‘one-drop rule’ applied in the United States, and applied to al those with one drop of black blood in their family’s blood line.

2) Because his heritage as Southern Royalty overrode his dark complexion, although many people knew what family he came from, even if they never spoke of it aloud. It was very much an ‘open secret‘, and a dangerous position to be placed in, when living in the Jim Crow South, — if you were a person of color.

3) Because certain mixed children of Dr. William Hume took advantage of the limited freedom they were born with, and acquired an education that had eluded them during slavery times. Proposing to advance African American society through education and politics, these mixed children of Dr. William Hume exercised their influence on South Carolina African American society to the best of their ability. Being born as a Free Person of Color in South Carolina still had imposed racial limitations and a stringent set of rules when it came to movement within the state, as well as beyond state lines, and also limitations imposed on formal education.

From 1900 to 1920, Jim Crow below the Mason-Dixon line was a ruthless part of Southern culture and existence. This reassertion of white supremacy, after the Civil War, was primarily the main reason for the Great Migration. The Reconstruction Period had been a dismal failure, and not everyone had the ability to leave the Deep South. Beaufort County was a place where African Americans suffered deeply under the restraints of Jim Crow, institutionalized racism, and segregation as well. Beaufort County was also 82.8% black during the Civil War, which was not unusual for this densely populated rice growing county of the South. By 1900, South Carolina’s African American population in Beaufort County was 90.5%.

Slavery Distribution Chart 2

Slavery Distribution Chart – 1861 U.S. Census, Department of Interior

The Negro Population-pg. 13-Walter Wilcox

The Negro Population – by Walter Wilcox, population chart, pg. 23, Negroes in the United States

Battiste was born in Grahamville, Beaufort County, South Carolina, on Dec. 2, 1891, according to his mausoleum plaque and extrapolation from from other sources. Some sources state that his his year of birth was earlier, and some place it slightly later. The importance of his year of birth in particular has to do with the idea that Hume, and a good deal of his family, survived the Sea Island Hurricane, which took the lives of over 2,000 African Americans in Lowcountry South Carolina in August of 1893. Surviving the growing tide of Jim Crow racism would be another matter all together. The lynching of Frazier B. Baker and his two-year old daughter, Julia Baker, set the tone of the resentment against educated African Americans remaining in the post Civil War Deep South.

Hume grew up on the grounds of the ‘South Carolina Agricultural and Mechanical Institute’, with his mother, “Mattie”, his aunt Anna Maria Hume Miller (Mattie’s older sister), his uncle by marriage, Thomas Ezekiel Miller, and his grandmother, Julia L. Macbeth, along with his cousins. Today, this mechanical institute is known as South Carolina State University, but back in 1900 it was simply called the “State Colored School”. As the companion school of Claflin University, Hume grew up watching African American men play football, basketball, and baseball, and run track at Claflin. Watching them play competitively, in a team oriented environment, had a tremendous impact on how young Hume viewed the world around him.

His uncle, Miller, was so light skinned in his complexion, that the press often referred to him as “Canary Bird Miller“. Being President of the college, and a top tier educator of one of the first historically black colleges and universities, Miller stressed the importance on education his children, as well as on his nephew, Hume. Growing up, immersed in this educational environment, gave Hume the edge when it came to school work. Uncle Thomas was Hume’s most important father figure, as Hume’s own father, John Battiste died when Hume was very young, leaving Martha a young widow at a very early age.

Claflin_University_Football_1899

Claflin University Football Team -1899

SCS-Close Up
Hume Le Prince Battiste -U.S. Census 1900 ‘screenshot’, living at the “State Colored School”

Thoma E. Miller
Thomas Ezekiel Miller

Thoma E. Miller-Masonary Class-1896-1898-Bradham Hall

Thomas E. Miller – with the Masonry Class – 1896-1898  -Bradham Hall, South Carolina Agricultural and Mechanical Institute.

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Hume Le Prince Battiste – age twelve – photo by William Augustus Reckling (1850-1913) – Reckling & Sons Photographers – courtesy of the Battiste Family Collection.

This photograph of Hume Le Prince Battiste at the age of twelve, taken by William August Reckling, says a lot about the financial status of Hume’s black family. Reckling was a extremely well known photography, who documented the Reconstruction era in South Carolina.

Hume had contracted almost every known childhood disease before the age of twelve. By the age of thirteen, Battiste had gone completely deaf, caused by a case of Scarlet Fever. The law of separate but equal existed in South Carolina in 1904, but schools for hearing impaired Africa American children didn’t exist. In seeking the best education that could provide Hume with the best opportunities in life, — that only a school for the hearing impaired could offer, — Battiste and his mother moved to Philadelphia to live among ‘The Souls Of Black Folk’ in Philadelphia’s famous ‘7th Ward’.

Their small dwelling, located at 506 South Ninth Street, between Lombard and South Street, was described as a “Middle Class” neighborhood. Some of America’s most notable African American ball players came out of the 7th Ward. Octavius Catto being one of them. Battiste’s first experience with Philadelphia would be spending a portion of his youth growing up in Pythian Base Ball Club territory. Catto too, was also a South Carolinian, upper-middle-class, Free Person of Color’ transplant to Philadelphia’s 7th Ward, whose former 7th Ward residence was located near the corner of Eighth Street and South Street. just a block from Battiste’s new 7th Ward trappings.

W.E.B. Du Bois lived in the 7th Ward at 700 Lombard Street.

Hume’s early introduction to city living may have been Orangeburg, Charleston or Columbia, had he remained in the South; but living in Philadelphia would have been a much different experience, as well as an extremely refreshing cosmopolitan exposure to social integration, compared to the legalized racial restrictions he had experienced in South Carolina. Quakers, Irish, Welsh, Dutch, Swedes, were just a few new cultures that Hume would be exposed to, and influenced by. It would also living North of the Mason Dixon line during a period when the Philadelphia Giants reigned supreme as ‘thee baseball team’ for people of color. And although segregation still chose the areas where one resided, the daily interactions between white people and black people were far more open and far less restrictive, especially for children.

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Map of a portion of the “7th Ward” – “The Philadelphia Negro“, by W.E.B. Du Bois.

Philadelphia 7th Ward-original_map_legend

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“The History And Life Of Octavius V. Catto, And Trial Of Frank Kelly”, compiled by Henry H Griffin, pg.6

The connection between Philadelphia and cities in the South, particularly cities in South Carolina, reached back long before the Civil War began. While “Mattie” worked as a seamstress and teacher in a 7th Ward school, Hume was accept and placed in the Pennsylvania Institution for the Deaf and Dumb boarding school, also known as the “Mt. Airy School“.

Mount Airy School-Penn.-PMSIA_1880

Penn. Institute For The Deaf and Dumb 1904-1908

 Hume L. Battiste – school records – ‘Pennsylvania Institution for the Deaf and Dumb

Hume’s high school records mentioned nothing about his participation in sports while attending Mt. Airy, but he had to learn them somewhere, based on his ability in track, football, basketball, and baseball. He was a favorite student of A.C. Manning, one of the many teachers at the Mt. Airy campus. Manning took such a special interest in Battiste, that he wrote young Hume a stellar letter of recommendation, that helped him get into Gallaudet College. Hume was the victim of intense bullying at Mt. Airy. Some of it based on his intelligence; some of it based on his athletic skills. Most of it based on his dark complexion. So much so, that this is where the beginning of the total reinvention of Hume Le Prince Battiste life as a Native American began.

Battiste Recommendation Letter-Page 1

Letter of recommendation for Hume Le Prince Battiste from A.C. Manning to Edward Miner Gallaudet -1908, courtesy of Gallaudet University Archives.

One of Hume’s other relatives connected by marriage, DuBose Heyward, through his Uncle, Thomas E. Miller, — once wrote a play in the 1930’s called “Brass Ankles“. This pejorative term was used mainly in South Carolina for many mixed raced people, derived from European and African relationships with the people of the Catawba Nation of early South Carolina. Escaped African slaves or African American Free People of Color, and people European heritage, along with the Catawba, made up this tri-racial isolate indigenous to early America .

Heyward was the descendant of Judge Thomas Heyward, Jr., a South Carolinian signer of the United States Declaration of Independence, just as Hume was the descendant of John Hume, who was the aide to General Francis Marion, the “Swamp Fox”. This tri-racial isolate gene pool ran through both the Hume and Heyward families.

Written is 1931, Heyward’s play showed the deep emotional impact behind the racial rules of the present day Jim Crow of the 1930’s, and what two-hundred and forty-six years of “amalgamation” had accomplished as a previous practice that preceded Jim Crow’s socially outlawed miscegenation between the races. Vilified by Jim Crow, amalgamation was a very huge part of the making of United States, before the Civil War. The Code Noir was malleable within a certain extent; both flexible and inflexible, depending on one’s political and financial status. The Black Codes instituted at the conclusion of the Civil War were unforgiving and brutal. “Brass Ankles“, as a play, was truly ahead of its time and poignantly brutal; but the play also served as a Heywood familial confession of sorts; — another ‘open secret‘ kept by the Heyward family, that has been proven to be accurate, and confirmed by the work of historians Eric Foner and Stephen Middleton, when it comes to the matrilineal lineage of Thomas E. Miller.

The discussion about whether Hume Le Prince Battiste was actually an African American or a Native American, is one that has been tossed back and forth for the last three decades. Surface genealogy had declared Battiste to be a Native American, and rightfully so, based on what information was available at the time the Native American heritage claim was made in the early 20th century. Certain societal values had been included, to keep the legacy of the ‘first Native American to attend Gallaudet University’ intact; or so Edward Miner, president of Gallaudet College, had professed this stellar, progressive achievement far and wide, in the early 1900’s.

Allowing a person of indigenous ancestry to attend Gallaudet was a huge undertaking. Hampton or the Carlisle Indian Industrial School would have been the normal route for a Native American pursing a formal education. A plan of action had been devised by Gallaudet University to keep Battiste’s real racial heritage a secret, while at the same time, foster and exploit the concept this concocted Native America identity for Hume to its fullest, so he would be accepted by the entire student body of Gallaudet — without question. It was a bold plan, and there was a tiny grain of truth to Hume’s passing as a Native American.

According to the “Register Of Carolina Huguenot; Partial Listing Of 81 Refugee Families”, Vol. 1, Bacon-Dupont, by Edward Lining Manigualt and Horry Frost Prioleau, page 7, shows the three spouses of Dr. William Hume, including Julia L. Macbeth — who was said to have been “1/4 American Indian”. This would have at best, made Hume 1/16, or 6.25% Native American. When this information is correlated with “Free Blacks and Mulattos in South Carolina 1850 Census”, by Margaret Peckham Motes, we see a Census transcription showing data for Julia L. Macbeth that has her racial designation as “black”. Not “mulatto”; not “Indian”.

The Catawba population in South Carolina was so small during the early 1900’s, that it would have been literally impossible to verify Hume’s Siouan heritage, if it were ever questioned. Some would say yes, while others would claim ignorance. But the truth would never lead back to his black or white families. One would have to go backwards, three generations from the time of Hume’s grandmother’s birth, to see where his Native American ancestry began.

***Pierre Buretel-Hume-Dr. William Hume-Julia Macbeth-7

Register Of Carolina Huguenot; Partial Listing Of 81 Refugee Families” – pg.7

Free Blacks and Mulattos in South Carolina 1850 Census-i
Free Blacks and Mulattos in South Carolina 1850 Census“.

In 1909, Battiste entered Gallaudet College, which is now known as Gallaudet University, a bright-eyed freshman, whose main goal was to letter in as many sports as he could. He wasn’t the sure footed Bison pitcher he’d come to be during his first year. Playing mostly First Base and Second Base, and sometimes shortstop, Hume traded off Bison pitching duties with Vernon”Cotton” Birck.

March 14, 1909

The Washington Herald – March 14, 1909

Battiste-Unknown-Vernon S. "Cotton" Birck

Left to Right: Battiste, Unknown, Vernon “Cotton” Birck – Gallaudet Bisons Baseall 1912

The deception all began, and all not so innocently, — by promoting the idea in the 1909 East Coast sporting newspapers, that this up and coming Bison athlete, Hume Le Prince Battiste,  was a “full blooded Indian”. This of course was a fallacy. A totally created fictional narrative, repeated over and over again, year after year, backed up with many high praising superlatives and stereotypical phrases of the day, — used to describe Native Americans in the world of sports.

Chief Battiste“, “Scalper Battiste“, “Tom Long Boat“, “Injun“, “Redskin” etc. ran in the sporting section every other day, until the idea the Hume was actually a full-blood Sioux Indian from “Pennsylvania” was embedded in the minds of everyone around him. They never once mentioned that he was born and raised South of the Mason Dixon line in the Deep South. That the Prince’s middle name stood out on its own. That wasn’t their concern. The newspapers created an illusion, which in turn produced a phenomena that could not be fully disputed until recent times. And to this day, there are those who still believe Hume Le Prince Battiste is a Native American.

Evening star, April 04, 1909

Evening Star– April 04, 1909

Gallaudet College Catalogue, 1909-1910

Gallaudet College Catalogue, 1909-1910

1911 Track-Full sized
1911 Track –  Seated Left to Right: Henry S. Morris, Homer E. Grace, Grover C. Farquar, Hume Le Prince Battiste. Standing Left to Right: Iva M. Robinson, Harry Gardener, J. Wilbur Gledhill. – courtesy of Gallaudet University Archives.

1911 Football-Full sized

1911 Football – courtesy of Gallaudet University Archives.

1912-1913 Fives-Full Size

1912-1913 Fives – courtesy of Gallaudet University Archives

The Washington Evening Star and the Washington Herald, ran story after story on the phenomenal exploits of this athlete, who some felt was comparable to the likes of Jim Thorpe. Stationed as the Bison’s Left End, or playing Quarterback, Hume was known for his speed and agility on the field, and his ‘broken field’ running. As a Center on the Buff and Blue basketball team, he led the team to many wins. As a track star, he was amazingly fast, who ran the 220, 440, and 880 with ease and grace.

Hume was team Captain of almost every sport he was involved in, for every year he attended Gallaudet. Between 1909 and 1913, Hume’s athletic exploits were a major part of the Gallaudet’s campus newsletter, the Buff And Blue. Where the concept of Hume being the ‘publicly well known Native American athlete‘ attending the predominately ‘all-white’ Bison campus in the ‘Age of Jim Thorpe’, — was all the rage.  The idea being, – build the image and illusion of racial acceptance with continuity, then publish it as plausible truth above all else.

The Buff and Blue- Vol. 19, no. 3 (1910- Dec.)-pg. 120
Buff and Blue – Vol. 19, No. 3, Dec. 1910 – pg. 120

Football-The Washington Herald, October 17, 1909

The Washington Herald – October 17, 1909

The Washington Herald. October 24, 1909
The Washington Herald – October 24, 1909, photo by National Press Association

April 17, 1910 Gallaudet Baseabll Team Photo
The Washington Herald -April 17, 1910 Gallaudet Baseaball Team, photo by National Press Association

The Washington herald., October 23, 1910
The Washington Herald –
October 23, 1910, photo by National Press Association


Track-The Washington-Gallaudet Speedy Quartet- Times, May 05, 1912.pdf
Washington Times –
Gallaudet’s Speedy Quartet- Times, May 05, 1912

Basketball-The Washington Herald., February 12, 1911
Washington Evening Star – February 12, 1911

Evening Star 10-29-1911

Washington Evening Star – Oct. 29, 1911

Football-Honolulu Star-bulletin, October 03, 1912
Honolulu Star Bulletin – October 03, 1912 (noting Jim Thorpe and Hume L. Battiste)

The Official National Collegiate Athletic Association Football Guide-pg 160

The Official National Collegiate Athletic Association Football Guide – 1911, pg. 160

In 1912, Walter “The Big Train” Johnson was sent by the “Old Fox“, Clark Griffith, to scout Hume as a possible recruit for the Washington Senators. Griffith had been interested in Battiste for quite some time. So he sent his best pitcher to judge of pitching delivery of Battiste, to see if this young man brought the heat and benders.

Walter Johnson on Battiste Mar. 8, 1912

The Washington Herald – March 08, 1912

Track-Evening Star-Two Local Colleges-March 28, 1912

The Evening Star – March 28, 1912

For the most part, “Old Fox” Griffith liked his pitchers to dominate the batters box and plate with their height and weight. In the year 1913, Walter Johnson was 6′-1″ and 200 lbs.  Bob Groom was 6′-2″ and 175 lbs. Joe Boehling was 5′-11″ and 168 lbs, and Joe Engel was 6′-1″ and 183 lbs. These are the examples Hume would have to live up to. Hume always had a very slight build, whose frame was built for speed; 5′-10″ and 150lbs soaking wet. And he had a hard time maintaining that weight because he had a very high metabolism. It was no secret that he ate like a horse. His height was out of proportion to the weight required to impress the “Old Fox” with his pitching skills.

Johnson was known as a “power pitcher”. Everything about his frame spoke of power.

****The Washington herald., March 07, 1913

The Washington Herald – March 07, 1913

Battiste pushed his own narrative about being a Native American, and left it to be judged in the court of public opinion.

******The Washington herald., March 09, 1913, Sporting Section, Page 2

The Washington Herald – March 09, 1913,

This leaves one pondering Griffith’s intentions when it came to Battiste as a prospect. What was it that he saw in Battiste, when he already had Joe Engel from Mount St. Mary’s College? Engel, like Battiste, was a four-sport all around athlete. What was the “Old Fox” up to in 1913?

The answer comes into clearer focus when you place Roberto Estalella into Griffith’s ‘breaking the color line’ equation in 1935. Griffith was way ahead of his time, but the majority of players and fans had yet to reach this level of racial acceptance with the National Pastime in 1913. Griffith began planting the seeds of baseball integration, along with others within the sport, knowing one day they would fully bloom. All great changes begin with an idea.

Training camp-The Washington herald, May 11, 1913

The Washington Herald – May 11, 1913

In 1938, in an interview with the Washington Tribune, Griffith was quoted as saying:

There are few big-league magnates who are not aware of the fact that the time is not far off when colored players will take their places beside those of other races in the major leagues. However, I’m not sure that time has arrived yet. . . . A lone Negro in the game will face caustic comments. He will be made the target of cruel, filthy epithets. Of course, I know the time will come when the ice will have to be broken. Both by the organized game and by the colored player who is willing to volunteer and thus become a sort of martyr to the cause.

The Buff and Blue- Vol. 21, no. 6 (1913- Mar.)

The Buff and Blue – Vol. 21, No. 6 – Mar. 1913 – pg. 230

Hume got into a bit of trouble at Gallaudet. Girl trouble. For some reason, this did not sit well with board of Regents or the President of Gallaudet. Some say he was expelled. Others say he left of his own accord. Racism probably played a large role in Hume’s departure. Percival Hall of course was not E.M. Gallaudet by any standard. The reason for his leaving in March of 1913 is still unclear, but his desire to turn professional for the Washington Senators, if at all possible, was rock solid . His weight was still a obstacle.

The Washington herald, May 21, 1913-i

The Washington herald, May 21, 1913-ii

The Washington herald, May 21, 1913-iii

The Washington Herald – May 21, 1913

The “Old Fox” offered to “place” Hume with any “Class B league“. There is power in that statement. The fact that Clark Griffith liked what he saw, and knew he could place Hume with a Class B team, meant calling in favors, or people who the “Old Fox” knew would have no problem Hume’s complexion. Still, there was a sense the Griffith could see what Hume really was. Dark skinned. Educated. Light of Frame. Problematic. Ahead of his time, as well as talented. In other words; too much trouble for the Big Show, for both the Washington Senators and the fans.

Hume regarded Griffith’s sage wisdom about playing a year in a Class B league as a wise decision and good advice. Yet, between trying to complete his education at Gallaudet through correspondence, and work at National Carbonics, Hume had little time for baseball, other than playing for the McIntyres in Cleveland on the sandlots. Battiste finally received his degree in Oct. of 1913. He never returned to Gallaudet to graduate with his class.

****-Forest City McIntyres-The Washington herald., July 16, 1913, Page 8

The Washington Herald – July 16, 1913.

Before Battiste left Ohio, he left his baseball mark on the Cleveland sandlots, and Cleveland Athletic Club, as one of their top 220 yard dash, 440 yard dash, 880 yard dash, 220 hurdles, and Broad Jump athletes. This was the same track club that trained Jesse Owens to become an Olympic athlete and gold medal champion.

The Sporting Life, March 21, 1914

Sporting Life – March 21, 1914

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The Silent Worker_vol. 34_no. 9_June_1922

The Silent Worker – Vol. 34, No. 9, June 1922

Walter “Judge” McCredie owned the Portland Colts, of the Northwestern League, as well as the Portland Beavers of the Pacific Coast League. Of course in 1914, the Colts were a Class B League team, and considered “professional”, and the Beavers, in 1914, were a Class AA League team. “Judge” McCredie consider the Colts his personal farm league, and why not? In 1914, the “Judge” made plans to integrate the PCL. This drew the ire of  J. Cal Ewing and Allan T. Baum, and the majority of the PCL management and players. In reality, what McCredie actually did, was sort of a shell and pea game. It wasn’t until Dec. of 1914, that Lang Akana was recruited by McCredie to play on the Beavers, while no one really noticed that he had hired and African American, and slipped Hume into the line-up to play with the Colts.

The Oregon daily journal., March 31, 1914, Page 10, Image 10The Oregon Daily Journal – March 31, 1914

Lang Akana-The Sunday Oregonian., December 27, 1914, SECTION TWO, Image 17-i

Lang Akana-The Sunday Oregonian., December 27, 1914, SECTION TWO, Image 17-ii

Lang Akana-The Sunday Oregonian., December 27, 1914, SECTION TWO, Image 17-iii

The Sunday Oregonian – December 27, 1914

Hume had a much darker complexion than Lang Akana. This was just plain fact. Possessing a dark complexion was the main complaint about Akana, when it came to being received on the Beavers roster by his future teammates. Yet, the Hume did not receive the same berating insults that Akana did, because he was thought to be Native American. McCredie had no problem with his teams playing against African American teams. Because they were a big ticket draw, McCredie had a long standing agreement with the Chicago American Giants whenever they barnstormed the West Coast.

As far as I know, Hume pitched three games against the Chicago American Giants, while they toured through California and Oregon in 1914. One of those games he won. He lost two. He played a total of five games for the Portland Colts in the Northwestern League, under the management of Nick Williams before Battiste was released.

***Williams vs. Battiste-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, March 28, 1914-i

***Williams vs. Battiste-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, March 28, 1914-ii

Morning Oregonian– March 28, 1914

***Battiste Holds Giants-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, April 02, 1914-i

***Battiste Holds Giants-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, April 02, 1914-ii
Morning Oregonian – April 02, 1914

***Chief Battiste-The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, April 12, 1914.pdf
***Chief Battiste-The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, April 12, 1914-i

***Chief Battiste-The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, April 12, 1914-ii.

The Sunday Oregonian –  April 12, 1914

***Colts vs. Chicago Giants-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, April 13, 1914-i
***Colts vs. Chicago Giants-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, April 13, 1914-ii
Morning Oregonian – April 13, 1914

How many of the Chicago American Giants were barnstorming through Oregon in 1914, that once played for the Philadelphia Giants? Who Hume grew up watching or reading about them in the newspapers, — while growing up in the 7th Ward in Philadelphia, and wanting to be just like them, — only to get a chance to play against some of his childhood heroes?

Pete Hill? Bruce Pettaway? Pete Booker? Rube Foster? John Henry “Pop” Lloyd? Bill Francis? Bill Monroe? The same Chicago American Giants team that played against the Pacific Coast League’s Portland Beavers in a four game series in 1914.

Its probably the stuff dreams are made from. To win a game against them.

The most memorable moment for the Chicago American Giants, where Battiste was concerned, was a Bill Monroe practical joke moment. They probably had no idea that this kid pitching against them was a ‘7th Ward” Philadelphia kid from their early careers in baseball.

****Monroe-Battiste-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, March 24, 1915.pdf
Morning Oregonian – March 24, 1915

Playing five games for the Portland Colts of the Northwestern League in 1914 and seven games for the Spokane Indians of the Pacific Coast International League in 1918, — for a total of twelve games played in Class B professional baseball. And although Hume survived the 1918 Spanish Flu pandemic, during the end of World War I, the Pacific Coast International League did not survive.

The Oregon daily journal., May 05, 1918, Page 19, Image 19

The Oregon Daily Journal – May 05, 1918

Spokane Daily Chronicle- pg. 19 | May 10, 1918-i

Spokane Daily Chronicle – May 10, 1918

This also gives us a real glimpse at the people who also played a part in this early integration of baseball. Like Walter Johnson, Clark Griffith, Walter McCredie, and Nick Williams. It gives a different perspective on these men who were mentioned more than once when it came to African Americans, and the profession of baseball where the color line was drawn. They all played significant and instrumental roles in Battiste having the opportunity to pitch in Class B professional baseball; and this explains, in part, the depths of their interactions and associations with African American ball players throughout their entire careers.

As far as I know, Hume Le Prince Battiste is the only African American; 1) who successfully passed as a Native American during his professional baseball career; 2) pitched against an African American team (Chicago American Giants) before the Negro Leagues were organized by Rube Foster; 3) won against an African American team while playing on an all-white team (Portland Colts); 4) possessed unmistakable athletic comparisons to Jackie Robinson 5) was the first African American to letter in collegiate track and field, baseball, basketball, and football while being chosen Captain of these teams.

Battiste broke the professional baseball color line before Jimmy Claxton and Jackie Robinson.

He also chased baseball, football, basketball and track for many years after he played for the Spokane Indians, playing for industrial league teams, like the Goodyear Silents/Mutes. The story of Hume Le Prince Battise living as a Native American has remained intact for over 50 years, far after he passed away in Pico Rivera, California, in 1968. His African American heritage was first call into question and asserted in 1983, in the book “Black and Deaf in America, Are We that Different”, by Ernest Hairston and Linwood Smith.  As of the 1940 U.S. Census, Hume Le Prince Battiste went from “Black”, to “Indian”/Catawba, to “White”, never looking back.

The truth was, he was all three,… in a manner of speaking.

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Hume Le Prince Battiste – U.S. Census 1930

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Hume Le Prince Battiste – U.S. Census 1940

Even though it has been challenged more than once, the idea of him being anything other than “Chief Battiste the Native American” has been argued back and forth. And the topic of Hume being an African American has faded in and out for over half a century — and never really explored, in depth, from all sides of his family’s lineage. Hume’s heritage is still disputed till this very day. So much more happened for Hume after he was released from the Portland Colts, where he pursued many other professional endeavors. “Bats” achieved his scholarly pursuits, and was a chemist and scientist, who created a vulcanization process that kept him flush his entire life, following in the footsteps of his grandfather and namesake, Dr. William Hume.

Unlike the Hume family of old, “Bats” led a simple life as a self employed gas station owner. The story of Hume Le Prince Battiste’s rice family legacy has not been told until this moment, as far as I am aware of.  Luckily, his story also includes baseball, and his story of breaking the color line into professional baseball will endure the test of time.

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Lew Hubbard Giants and the Lord of the Slums

The Oregon daily journal., May 31, 1914, Page 25, Image 25
The Oregon Daily Journal – May 31, 1914

There once was a time when Portland, Oregon was one of the most decadent places on Earth. To view it now one could never imagine the underbelly of a growing city, once vied for every illegal activity known to mankind in the early 1900’s. Gambling, prostitution, bootlegging, unsanctioned boxing, et. al,  were the daily staples of a Portland that men traveled near and far  — to indulge their darker side. Yes, —  it’s all true, and according to the Report of the Portland Vice Commission of 1913, commissioned by the Mayor and City Council, the investigation into hotels, apartments, rooming and lodging house showed that, out of 547 that were investigated for on going illegal activities, 431 of them were found to be immoral houses of ill repute.

This means that in 1913 in the city of Portland, there was a 78% chance of the men traveling to Portland, would be involved in some sort of illicit activity.

Houses of iniquity were quite common in early Portland. It was a place where betting and heavy drinking consumed one and all; where loose women and roguish men played, and bawdy houses were common sight. There has always been a certain amount of speculation as to the reasons why the Lew Hubbard Giants uniforms used dice decals to represent the player’s number on the back of their jerseys, and the reason their ball club’s location at 326 1/2 Couch Street,  was found deep in the heart of Old Town – Chinatown. These facts should clear up any suspicions why these choices were made.

Seven come Eleven‘ in this part of town was a way of life in the 1900’s.

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Lew Hubbard Giants Letterhead – 1912

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This burgeoning community of 1900’s Portland was segregated by race in some instances, but that had little bearing on the illicit trade that took place all over early Portland. As for Lew Hubbard, AKA Horace Llewelyn Hubbard, any side gigs, from boxing to baseball, was supplemental income from his regular job as a mail clerk for the Board of Fire Underwriter Insurance Company.

The area in question, where the Lew Hubbard Giants operated in, where women like Rosie Copple and Blanche Rollo were frequently arrested for “vagrancy” AKA solictation, speaks to the seedy bars and back street alleyways that were seen in such movies as, “Eight Men Out”. The temperance movement had little impact on early Portland. It was a booze hound’s paradise. The West wasn’t always tamed, and early Portland reflected how rough and tumble life was in the West. It may be the reason that men like Charles “Swede” Risberg decided to open a bar in Weed, California after the infamous Chicago Black Sox scandal.

Old TownChinatown” in Portland was famous for many things, including the Lew Hubbard Giants base of operation; particularly Old Town’s network of underground tunnels, used for Shanghaiing the unsuspecting inebriated fellow by ne’er do wells, secret underground gambling establishments — where games of chance took place twenty-four seven around the clock, and also for the secret movement of the bootlegging trade — which brought in the outlawed substances from the mouth of the Columbia River that connected with the Willamette River.

Portland was Las Vegas before Las Vegas was conceived.

vice-map-legend-1913
Vice Map Legend – Report of the Portland Vice Commission – 1913

vice-map-with-google-map-overlay
Portland Vice Map Legend with Google Map overlay

326 NW Couch Street
326 Couch Street, Portland OR

1913 Couch Street Vice overlay
326 Couch Street, Portland OR – “Old TownChinatown” with Google Map overlay

This area was so popular with the ‘sporting crowd’, even Walter McCredie owned a billiard room, located at 128 1/2 6th Street (now Avenue), just two blocks from the boarding house that the Lew Hubbard Giants operated out of. “Judge” McCredie had a tremendous rapport with people of color, and he was more than likely connected with Lew Hubbard in some manner of sorts, using him as an ambassador when the Chicago American Giants barnstormed through Oregon, without ever revealing his involvement with Hubbard to the public. The Golden West Hotel was located at the corner of Broadway and Everett St., in the heart of this racially segregated community, not far from the Lew Hubbard Giants base of operation.

The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, July 10, 1910
The Sunday Oregonian – July 10, 1910

April 11, 1914-Chicago American Giants
Morning Oregonian – April 11, 1914

Oregon-1915 Chicago American Giants in Portland postcard
Chicago American Giants at the Golden West Hotel, Portland, Oregon, 1915

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John H. Wilson was a bit of a color character himself. As President and Treasure of the Lew Hubbard Giants AKA Colored Giants of Portland, Wilson held a tight grip on the club’s purse strings, which included all events that ran out of the club. His titles gave the Lew Hubbard Giants legitimacy, even though said legitimacy was limited to the world of African Americans in early, segregated Portland. He was Oregon’s Gus Greenlee of sorts, running rackets from this personal den of iniquity. He ran the “gentleman’s club” where the Lew Hubbard Giants held court. And, according to those in the know, Wilson was well connected with the mucky-mucks ‘downtown,’ whenever his establishment was rousted by the overly eager patrolmen. There was nothing Wilson wouldn’t lay a bet on, including his own freedom from incarceration.

In most cases, he was correct.

****John H. Wilson-Couch Street-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, October 30, 1911
Morning Oregonian – October 30, 1911

Wilson was also a boxing promoter of questionable reputation, which included licensed and unlicensed boxers, promoting sanctioned and unsanctioned bouts. These questionable “scientific boxing” events often included Lew Hubbard, Bobby Evans, and Kid Espisito. Lew Hubbard fought under the name “Lou Hubbard”, and only had one “professional” bout in his lifetime, which lasted less than three rounds. Hubbard, his opponent Dick Rhoades — and the referee, all fell out of the ring and landed in the crowd, which some considered a street brawl. The fight between Hubbard and Rhodes was ruled  ‘no contest’.

***Lou Hubbard-Boxer-Oregon Athletic Club Smoker-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, January 18, 1910
Morning Oregonian – January 18, 1910

***Lou Hubbard-Boxer-Foul Says Long And Quits fight-Hubbard and Rhoades-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, January 22, 1910
Morning Oregonian – January 22, 1910

***Lou Hubbard-Boxer-The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, April 24, 1910
The Sunday Oregonian – April 24, 1910

By May of 1910, the match staged between Hubbard and Rhodes on Jan. 20th of that year, came under the scrutiny of the Portland’s Municipal Association Morals Commission, for more or less an exhibition of fisticuffs that turned in a violent brawl. The men who promoted the match, former Detective Patrick Maher and John T. Wilson would have to answer to charges of immorality and embezzlement, for staging “prize fights” where no prizes was ever offered to the winners of the events. Eventually, John T. Wilson was out of the picture and Maher and Hubbard were indicted for fraud.

***Hubbard And Wilson-Boxing-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, May 07, 1910-i
***Hubbard And Wilson-Boxing-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, May 07, 1910-ii
Morning Oregonian -May 7, 1910

***Lou Hubarrd-Boxer-The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, May 08, 1910-i
***Lou Hubarrd-Boxer-The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, May 08, 1910-ii
The Sunday Oregonian -May 8, 1910

***Lew M Hubbard-Boxing-The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, June 05, 1910-i
***Lew M Hubbard-Boxing-The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, June 05, 1910-ii
The Sunday Oregonian – June 5, 1910

Hubbard asked the judge to allow him to be tried in a separate trial, without all the others who had been indicted. The trial never took place that summer. It was a “test case”, the first of its kind in Portland and Hubbard made bail; but he was scapegoated every step of the way. The long and short of this story is this: crooked cops make crooked politicians, and Hubbard was caught in the middle between Maher and Wilson; for Hubbard was neither cop nor politician. This 1910 incident thrust Horace Llewelyn Hubbard into local fame as a burgeoning welterweight, and someone who knew his way around the boxing ring.

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The Sunday Oregonian – May 1, 1910

What seemed like nothing more than a mediocre task of boxing performed for your dinner, then possibly ending up in jail for prize fighting at an unsanctioned event, catapulted Hubbard into the ranks of one of Oregon’s most undeniable sports figures. Who with this single act, used it as the platform for the creation of the Lew Hubbard Giants. This was the era of the “Great White Hope”, James J. Jeffries, and the man who would defeat him, Jack Johnson.

Sparing in front of a huge crowd with Commonwealth (British Empire) Heavyweight champion of the World, Tommy Burns, gave Hubbard community credibility.

***Lew Hubbard-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, October 15, 1910
Morning Oregonian – October 15, 1910

Deemed “The Fight Of The Century” by every newspaper in America, the Jeffries vs. Johnson battle royale would be considered the ultimate boxing event in the world, because boxing, or fisticuffs was at the time considered “the sport of kings”. Betting on this particular fight set the tone for the nation, especially where race relations and money in boxing were concerned. This was true, even in Portland, where events were smaller, but a constant source of revenue.

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Morning Oregonian – July 4, 1910

Between the years 1910 and 1922, the Lew Hubbard Giants played baseball, respectively off and on, as a form of community ‘entertainment’, until 1914 when they actually got serious about league play and winning. In the beginning, they were limited in both skills and popularity. Yet, their games were a very important form of entertainment, for the rather small African American population in Oregon, eking out a meager living in Portland or rural areas, where there were few jobs for black people that could be accessed.

Oregon City enterprise. (Oregon City, Or.) 1891-194?, July 15, 1910
Oregon City Enterprise – July 15, 1910

Early in Oregon’s history,  Black Exclusion Law had set a tone for how Oregon would operate in relation to African American residents for over a century, — until February 24, 1959, when Oregon finally ratified the 15th Amendment. This predetermined societal attitudes about African Americans living in Oregon, predated the Civil War, when Oregon was still only a territory of the United States. This racial divide carried forward from 1844 on into the turn of the 20th century.

Old Town – Chinatown was a necessary component of Portland’s seedier activity, where men folk could blow off steam; illegally in some cases. Places like the Star Theater, where men could go and watch silent movies or witness burlesque shows, were a part of Old Town’s charm and scandalous behavior.

star_exterior-li
Star Theater -1911

When the Chicago American Giants traveled to Oregon in April of 1914, to play against rural teams, like the one in Medford, its not quite certain what Rube Foster’s expectations of a reception would be, — but starving to death was probably the last thing on his mind. Outside of Old Town – Chinatown, African Americans were sparse, and in some cases, almost nonexistent. The more rural the area was, the more chance a African American would encounter blatant, overt racism. This was not unusual, because Corvallis, Oregon, — home of Oregon State University, had once been a Confederate stronghold during the Civil War, when it was still called ‘Marysville‘.

By the 1920’s, Medford, Oregon would become the first Ku Klux Klan stronghold in Oregon, built on the concept of “One-Hundred Per Cent Americanism“. Also, between 1912 and 1916, a few of the Lew Hubbard Giants played for the Oakland Giants, Lynne-Stanley Giants and the Oak Leafs. The Oregon and California Express AKA the “Shasta Limited” rail route kept them connected, as many of them were also Pullman Porters. The ‘Shasta Limited’ also became the name of another African American baseball team; one that was well earned in all respects.

Claude Orpheus Couver, H. Smith, and Jimmy Claxton were among the three known to have ventured to the Bay Area.

H.Smith
H. Smith – 1912 Oakland Giants

H.Smith-ii
H. Smith – 1914 Lew Hubbard Giants

Comedy Keeps This Team On Toes-O.T.-4-16-1916-pg. 41
Oakland Tribune – April 12, 1916

Claxton, as the story goes, was a 1914 and 1915 favorite of the Lew Hubbard Giants, and a tremendous drawing card. Between Claxton, and second baseman, Hugh Harper, the Lew Hubbard Giants were an up and comer in the Bank League.

The Oregon daily journal., April 12, 1914, Page 23, Image 23
The Oregon Daily Journal – April 12, 1914

The Sunday Oregonian-September 6-1914
The Sunday Oregonian-September 6, 1914

The Oregon daily journal., June 14, 1914, Page 20, Image 20
The Oregon Daily Journal – June 14, 1914

Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, March 09, 1915
Morning Oregonian -March 9, 1915

In August of 1913, the land holdings in the name of Ivo Bligh, 8th Earl of Darnley, came under heavy scrutiny of the Portland Vice Commission, Although his name was never mentioned in the newspapers, Bligh’s legacy was well known all over the world. It seemed the world renowned cricketeer, was the owner of large swaths of land and buildings in the worse part of Portland. This Lord of  the Slums, Ivo Bligh, was best known for receiving “The Ashes” urn by a group of Melbourne women from Australia symbolizing “the ashes of English cricket”, where English cricket had once died — but Bligh an Co. took the ashes back to England, after defeating Australia in the Test series. The story of retrieving ‘the Urn’ is legendary, where to this day, Bligh’s feat is remembered in poem and song.

****John H. Wilson- Noble May Be Sued--326 Couch Street Ownership-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, Aug. 26, 1913-i
****John H. Wilson- Noble May Be Sued--326 Couch Street Ownership-Morning Oregonian. (Portland, Or.) 1861-1937, Aug. 26, 1913-ii
Morning Oregonian -Aug. 26, 1913

English_cricket_team_1883
English Cricket Team of 1882

436px-Ashes_Urn_1921-i
The Ashes”  urn of Cricket – 1882

Ashes_song-i
The Ashes” song “Who’s On The Cricket Field” -1883

It’s not certain whether Bligh had any interest vested in baseball or boxing. It is certain that he had a vested interest in gambling and prostitution, as an absentee slum lord, who provided places of operation for these illicit occupations. There was no question as to his investments and the liquidation of his properties by the Wilder Bros. in 1920, years after the Tin Plate Ordinance took effect in the North End. It became more difficult to make money in these areas, as the public turned against the income streams that built early Portland from the ground up.

***Tin Plate Ordinance-Dago Rosie at 328 Couch-The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, August 10, 1913
The Sunday Oregonian – August 10, 1913

***English Estate Liquidation-Wilder Bros.-The Sunday Oregonian. (Portland, Ore.) 1881-current, February 08, 1920
The Sunday Oregonian – February 8, 1920

As the Tin Plate Ordinance rooted itself in Portland’ underbelly, Hubbard turned to more legitimate sources of income.  In 1917, Fred J. McClear and Lew Hubbard became business partners in a dance school, and Hubbard put together a traveling jazz band, to play at functions — so their students could utilize the new found skills on the dance floor.

McClear’s main gig was a porter at Waldo BoglesGolden West Hotel Barbershop’, which specialized in the art of grooming with, “Physionomical Hairdressers, Facial Operators, Crainum Manipulators, and Capillary Abridgers and Skeemotis Operators“. How one sold one’s craft, … is how one was perceived by one’s clientele, — and by the world at large. A haircut, with a shave, or a scalp massage, or deep tissue massage, etc., just didn’t cut it in the 1900’s. This involved not just ‘good looks’, but defined one’s character as well.

It was something the well groomed man could not ignore.

The sales pitch was everything.

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Eastern Clackamas News – November 15, 1917

The Lew Hubbard Giants story is a complex one, where the club itself played in an era and area of the nation, — at a time when documentation of their involvement and exploits as purveyors of baseball, and the “Artistic Exponents Of The Great National Pastime” — as stated by their own words, — were limited to a blurbs here and there, in the sports section of Oregon’s local newspapers. Their story is so much larger than a ‘single member of the team’, whose image nets auction premium prices for a once lost and mow found Zeenut card. Sometimes, their story was less than flattering, and most times it was racially charged and virulently humiliating. Yet, their presence in the sport of baseball allowed others to take that trip out West, to Oregon’s ‘unwelcome territory’. The Lew Hubbard Giants connection to the Negro Leagues steps far beyond baseball, becoming a source for social camaraderie and fellowship among men of their day– as well as a safety net for those who dared brave barnstorming trips across the nation, for untold adventures in early Oregon.

Norman O. Houston: Lost and Found

Norman O. Houston, pictured at far right, with his teammates from the Shasta Giants baseball team
1912 Oakland Giants — In uniform– Top Row: Left to right: bench sitting: (1) Chet Bost, (2) Maisona, (3) H.Smith, (4)unknown, (5) Nelson Watson; Manager, (6)Durgan, (7) Richardson, (8) White, (9) Norman O. Houston — Bottom: Left to right: ground sitting: (10) Herb Clarke, (11) Hilary “Bullet” Meaddows (UCLA, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library)

This photograph was located deep in the archives of the Golden State Mutual Life Insurance collection. It was an odd place to find a flawless image of the 1912 Oakland Giants. Access to such images, that are over 100 years old, of African American baseball teams, are very rare — and they are usually in very poor condition. Upon closer inspection, Norman O. Houston can been seen sitting to the far right in the top row.

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Norman O. Houston

This Dead Ball era photo is one of a few that shows the Oakland Giants in their home uniforms, taken at the State League Park, which was once located at Grove Street and Fifty-Seventh Street, behind Idora Park. Today, it is where Children’s Hospital Oakland Research Institute sits, behind Dover Park, in the Bushrod neighborhood of North Oakland.

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San Francisco Call – February 27, 1909

Idora Park Oakland 1910
Idora Park – Oakland Public Library, 1910

The Freeeman-Hilary Meaddows 5-25-1912
The Freeeman – May, 25, 1912

From his humble beginnings, Houston was destined for greatness. Houston was born in San Jose, California to Oliver and Lillian Houston, and lived part of his childhood in the Lower Bottoms of West Oakland. The larger part of his youth was spent in the Brooklyn Township of Alameda county, which is now considered Oakland. His father, Oliver, was a Pullman Porter, and also worked as a waiter at the Hotel Vendome. The story goes, in Houston’s own words, that he was the “godson” of the Sparkling wine baron and “Champagne King of California”, Paul Masson, based on Masson’s relationship with Houston’s father.

Brooklyn Alameda County
Map of Oakland and Brooklyn – 1885

Hotel Vedome San Jose
Hotel Vendome – San Jose

After graduating from Oakland Technical High School, Huston went on to study Business Administration U.C. Berkeley. While attending U.C. Berkeley, Houston became one of the key outfielders for a string of African American baseball teams that left a Bay Area legacy, which led up to the founding of the West Coast Baseball Association. At the turn of the 20th Century, the Oakland Giants were not the first African American baseball team to step foot on the diamonds of the East Bay, West Bay, and Central Valley;  but historically, they were the most recognizable local African American team, and most widely accepted, that paved the way for other African American teams to follow.

Under the management of Nelson Watson, who gathered the best players in the East Bay, the Oakland Giants became a formidable team, that traveled throughout Northern California, with games scheduled through Spalding.

Dutch Ruether-Mill Valley Record, Volume 14, Number 37, 4 October 1912
Mill Valley Record – October 4, 1912

Dutch Ruether-Marin Journal, Volume 50, Number 41, 10 October 1912
Marin Journal – October 10, 1912

At the age of 19, playing for the Oakland Giants, Huston faced Walter “Dutch” Ruether in the batter’s box. “Dutch” was one month older than Houston, and born in Alameda, California, but spent his life in the West Bay. Ruether went on to play ten years of professional baseball, in both the National and American leagues. It was not uncommon, at that time, for an African American baseball team to play the foil to their opponents; the team to beat above all other teams, during the early part of the 20th Century. These type of race based contest created the largest gates, and were advertised accordingly. More often than not, winning or losing a game decided one’s fate, when it came to the return trip home — as well as an extended invitation to return to play another day.

As the Oakland Giants morphed into the Lynne-Stanley Giants, under the leadership of Chet Bost, winning became a way of staying in the public eye. Huston played outfield for Bost and Lynne Stanley from 1913 to 1914. The year 1915 remains a mystery, and the disappearance of the Lynne-Stanley Giants for one year ushered in their 1916 return as the Oak Leaf Club of Oakland, where Houston was once again seen playing the outfield with a large majority of the former Oakland Giants team.

1916_0213_oakland_giants

Oakland Tribune-Oak Leafs-2-13-1916-pg.30
Oakland Tribune – February 13, 1916

At the age of 24, Houston was drafted into the U.S. Army during World War I, where he became a “Regimental Personnel Adjutant”.

Norman Oliver Houston United States World War I Draft Registration Cards, 1917-1918-ii
Norman Oliver Houston – World War I Draft Registration Card

Portrait of Norman O. Houston in his World War I uniform
Portrait of Lt. Norman O. Houston in his World War I uniform

After the war had ended, Huston gave baseball one more shot, returning to play with so many others he had played with before, with the addition of a few new team members, like Carlisle Perry and Jimmy Claxton. At the age of 27, this would be the last baseball team that Houston would play with.

Shasta Giants 1919-20
Shasta Limiteds – Left to Right Top Row: (1) Owner Tod Graham, (2) Jimmy Claxton, (3) Norman O. Houston, (4) Goldie Davis, (5) Carlisle Perry, (6) Gene Cooper, (7) Chet Bost, and the (8) Trainer Green. Left to Right Bottom Row: (8) Fisher, (9) Eddie Jackson, (10) Hilary “Bullet” Meaddows, (11) Billy Woods, (12) Brown, and (13) Vaughns.

Unlike most African American baseball players whose history fades into anonymity, this single photograph of the 1912 Oakland Giants gives us a larger picture of Norman O. Houston’s life, which may have never had been connected before now. Leaving baseball to younger men, Houston pursued on the journey of creating the largest African American owned and operated insurance brokerage in the western United States, along with his partners, William Nickerson Jr. and George A. Beavers Jr. His experience as a clerk for the Board of Fire Underwriters before serving during World War I, led him to leave the Bay Area and head to the boom town called “1920’s Los Angeles“.

By 1920, 15,579 African Americans lived in Los Angeles. Twenty years later the City of Angeles had a Black population of 63,774, more than Denver, Oakland, San Francisco, and Seattle combined.“[1]

Black Los Angeles” was a gold mine of opportunity for the young Houston.

The Golden State Mutual Life Insurance Company, once the largest black-owned insurance company in the western United States, represented more to policy holders than a mere insurance company. They provided African Americans with life insurance, retirement plans, savings bonds, annuities and mortgages when white-owned banks would not lend to them. In part, they are responsible for the expansion of African American growth in the West, based on their ability to both lend and insure African American owned businesses and properties.

Golden State Mutual Life Insurance Company
Golden State Mutual Life Insurance Company – UCLA Library – 1925

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California Eagle – 1925

From its earliest beginnings, the founders of Golden State Mutual and their executives, documented the Company’s history and African Americans in California making history, using every form of known media, — including photography, recorded sound, moving images and films, and an array of artwork. At one time, Golden State Mutual maintained one of most extensive and comprehensive African American artwork collections in the United States, which was eventually sold off in 2007, just prior to the Great Recession of 2008, and near the close of its final days in 2009, — after an eighty-four year run, focusing on the African American community.

Executives from the Golden State Mutual Life Insurance Company and Reverend Ralph Abernathy-1964
Norman O. Houston with Rev. Ralph Abernathy (UCLA, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library)

MLK and Houston-ii
Norman O. Houston with Martin Luther King Jr. (UCLA, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library)

Los Angeles City Councilman Tom Bradley, Rev. Jesse Jackson, and Norman O. Houston-1969
Norman O. Houston with Tom Bradley and Jesse Jackson (UCLA, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library)

Congressman Andrew Young and Norman O HoustonCongressman Andrew Young and Norman O. Houston (UCLA, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library)

Jesse Owens visits the Home Office of the Golden State Mutual
Jesse Owens visits the Home Office of the Golden State Mutual – June 18 1935 (UCLA, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library)

Norman O. Houston and Joe Louis-1945
Norman O. Houston and Joe Louis – 1945 (UCLA, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library)

Lena Horne visits the Home Office of the Golden State Mutual Life
Lena Horne visits the Home Office of the Golden State Mutual – 1953 (UCLA, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library)

Portrait of Norman O. Houston-ii

The amount of people connected to Norman O. Houston is so vast that all of them cannot be covered here. The same can said for his partners, William Nickerson Jr. and George A. Beavers Jr.

Norman O. Houston Park
Norman O. Houston Park Dedication – (UCLA, Library Special Collections, Charles E. Young Research Library)

We owe a debt of gratitude to those men who founded that company in the 1920s,” said Fergerson, who grew up in Watts. Golden State Mutual “was not only an insurance company. It was a social, political and historic institution that brought jobs and proper insurance to the black community.” [2]

Norman O. Huston Park-2

Neatly nestled on the edge of Baldwin Hills, is the Norman O. Houston Park, near Ladera Heights. The majority of people who gather there daily probably have no idea who Norman O. Huston was, or that he had a deep, endearing love of baseball; or that he was a native of Oakland, California. Houston rarely talked about his life and times in the world of baseball, or who he played with or against. Quiet, reserved and honorable, Norman O. Houston’s legacy of baseball lived on in every youth baseball team that the Golden State Mutual Life Insurance Company sponsored throughout its existence.


Personal Portrait of Norman O. Houston – KABC Radio 79 – April 30 1966

1) “On June 1, 1900, the first census of the 20th Century counted 2,131 Black Angelenos”, California African American Museum Staff writer, June 1, 2019

2) Lifsher, Marc:California regulators seize struggling insurer Golden State Mutual Life“, Los Angeles Times, Oct. 1, 2009

 

 

 

 

 

Oakland’s A-26 Boilermakers: World War II, Politics, Unions and Industrial Baseball in the Bay Area

Boilermakers A26 baseball team; [E.F. Joseph collection, Careth Reid; Sports]A-26 Boilermakers, “Bayview” (Raimondi) Park. June, 18, 1942. (Office of War Information photographer Photo by E.F.Joseph)

The story of the men and women that built the Liberty ships and Victory ships is seldom delved into, and it covers a lot of turf of West Coast history. History that requires a rather large area of usable land located near water, where smoke billowing factories were in close proximity to one another, pumping out steel and iron around the clock, leaving the residue of soot and the smell of industry in the air. This is one of history’s “Known unknowns“, based on scattered information and limited access to materials to flesh it out in its entirety, because “loose lips” never built ships. There were many former Negro League players that did not serve in the military during World War II, but not because they were not fit for duty. Some of them were part of the war effort that supplied the machinery for the war, which in some cases — they worked in the war materials industry long before the United States entered World War II.

Their faces are familiar among this group of men.

There are also many different sides to the stories that surround American society during World War II, that one might be compelled to explore the deeper meaning of an simple image, such as a picture — if you will, — and its origin and simplicity. Like this picture of the A-26 Boilermakers; taken twenty-one years before Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have A Dream” speech was given during the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, calling for civil and economic rights and an end to racism in the United States. The original March on Washington Movement began in 1941, headed by A. Philip Randolph.


Why_Should_We_March_March_on_Washington_flier_1941
“Why Should We March”, March on Washington flier, 1941 – Library of Congress


Some images are are misinterpreted; some of them are yet to be explored; most them will never be revealed. The industrial baseball side of baseball is often left open ended, and many questions are left unanswered. In a rare find, photographs such as this one, share a much larger picture of American society, the role of the military industrial complex, and how African American baseball functioned before and during the war, both before and after America entered the war as a participant of the Free World vs. the Axis Power conflict — that was raging in Europe and the South Pacific, after that fateful day in Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941.

The majority of men pictured here were involved in the ship building industry years before America’s involvement World War II. They worked at different ship building facilities in and around the San Francisco Bay Area. The “Ten Prohibited Subjects” were a way of life for everyone during World War II, so limited information about the A-26 Boilermakers and their movements in and around the San Francisco Bay Area is something that is acceptable and expected, under the circumstances that they lived through.

From Permanente/Kaiser Yard #1, Permanente/Kaiser Yard #2, Permanente/Kaiser Yard #3, Permanente/Kaiser Yard #4, Moore Dry Dock, Mare Island,and Marinship Corporation, they went where their skill sets were needed. Yet, the social dynamics of how the A-36 Boilermakers baseball team came into being reaches as far back as 1936, when the barnstorming St. Louis Blues were touring the Bay Area, and a few of them decidedly remained on the West Coast. Exploring an array of job opportunities that they couldn’t find  anywhere else in the United States at that time, based on the limitations of race and social status, some of these men forged a new team. From the break up of the St. Louis Blues, the California Blues evolved, created by Byron Speed Reilly, founder of the Berkeley Colored League, which became the Berkeley International League.


BG-Negro Ball Stars Plan Summer Play-5-27-1937
Berkeley Daily Gazette -May, 27, 1937

This story begins at Moore Dry Dock, founded in 1905 as Moore and Scott Iron Works in San Francisco. Shortly after the San Francisco Earthquake in 1906, Moore and Scott Iron Works migrated its ship building operation to Oakland, California in 1907, and stationed itself near the inlet channel of the Oakland Estuary. It was strategically placed where the Central Pacific Railroad’s Oakland Long Wharf was once located, with access to railroads, and the Key System cars that connected the entire East Bay by trolley, and access to San Francisco by Key System ferry.


1885 map of Oakland and the CPRR's Long Wharf
1885 map of Oakland and the CPRR’s Long Wharf


Key System Mole in 1933
Key System Mole in 1933



In 1917, Moore bought out Scott and renamed the business Moore Dry Dock in 1922. This centralized location was the beginning of a waterfront parcel of wetlands that would one day become known as Oakland Naval Supply Depot, also called, “The City Within The City“. Set on three-hundred and ninety acres of Oakland waterfront, terminating at the end of Adeline Street, where San Francisco Bay meets West Oakland, “The City Within The City” was at that time, the largest military installation in the entire world, which had its own police force, fire department, banks, stores, and baseball teams.


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Moore-Scott shipyard in foreground
Moore Dry Dock  Company – 1940

Today, “The City Within The City”, is known as Middle Harbor Shoreline Park, an off-the-beaten-path spot where families enjoy picnics, look at the Bay, or enjoy an outdoor concert. Less than four mile from “The City Within The City” was Oakland’s Japantown. Oakland had one of the largest Japanese populations in the United States, along with Los Angeles, San Jose, Sacramento, Berkeley and San Francisco. The Japanese community on the edge of Oakland’s Chinatown, has existed in this waterfront location since the 1880’s, which was mixed with African Americans, Italians, Eastern Europeans, Greeks, and Portuguese, that made up this Downtown Oakland neighbor, just North of Jack London Square.

When this Dorothea Lange photograph is seen for the first time, of Tatsuro Masuda’s ‘commissioned sign’ stating “I AM AN AMERICAN”, unfurled and hung the day after Pearl Harbor was attacked by Imperial Japan, and placed in front of his storefront “The Wanto Co.”, — the reality of such a bold statement gives one a true sense between the dichotomy of being of Japanese American descent at the beginning of World War II, and how quickly the environment that you live in can change overnight. Between Oakland and Berkeley alone, more than 3,100 Japanese Americans were incarcerated, and close to 200 businesses were closed overnight. The Wanto Co, was located on 8th and Franklin streets in heart of Downtown Oakland, as were many Japanese businesses that were in close proximity of “The City Within The City“.

Oakland, Calif., Mar. 1942. A large sign reading "I am an American" placed in the window of a store

The Wartime Civil Control Administration Control Station, located at 530 Eighteenth Street, was one of 97 Wartime Civil Control Administration Control Stations in California. The Control Center located at 1117 Oak Street is now the Alameda County Law Library, and the one located at 530 Eighteenth Street is the Oakland School For the Arts. The expulsion of Japanese Americans that lived on the coastline of California, especially those that lived near military installations, was a rapid, expedient removal process, with little or no time to sell one’s property.

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Berkeley Daily Gazette - Mar 3, 1942-iii
Berkeley Daily Gazette - Mar 3, 1942-iv

Wartime Control Administration Station - Oakland - LocalWiki

A restructuring of racial and pseudo-racial groups took place in the Bay Area, as well as a very large influx of Dust Bowl migrants making their way to the shipyards of the West Coast in search of a new way of life and gainful, steady employment. Neighborhoods that had once contained an accepted racial mixture of people soon became overtly segregated; not only by race, but also by socioeconomic class. The war effort brought more than just employment for everyone involved. It also brought along with it, a new social structure which uprooted long standing communities along the coast of California. One group of Americans entering the West for the first time were called “Dust Bowl Refugees“, while another group of Americans exiting the coast after living there for decades were called “Enemy Aliens“. Those that were not considered belonging in either group were placed in a precarious situation, figuring out how they would fit into this newly created wartime social structure.

The African American communities of the San Francisco Bay Area were caught in the middle between the incarceration of Japanese American families that they had lived in peace with for decades — and these recent arrivals; America’s newcomers to the West. They were trekking to a place that was settled long before their arrival, bringing with them a ‘Manifest Destiny’ attitude in tow. These new arrivals, who when presented with any opportunity to displace native Californians, would have replaced California born African Americans in a heartbeat, based on their antiquated Great Plains ideals and Southern values that they brought with them. To these Great Plains transplants, racial superiority meant everything, and was based solely on one’s skin color as an “all-or-nothing” proposition. During this period in history, their middle America experience with West Coast African Americans was based on the ‘outdated standard’ of living that had once prevailed in the United States.

A large number of Japanese owned stores, markets and businesses that served the African American community during the 1940’s segregated period in the West, were shuttered, never to reopen. This also created problems for Oakland and Berkeley’s local residents, who relied on these Japanese owned businesses for their shopping needs, in the West Coast segregated society that is rarely spoken of.

 

Berkeley to West Oakland Japanese Businesses Pre-WWII
Emeryville to West Oakland Japanese American Owned Businesses – 1940

Berkeley Japanese Businesses Pre-WWII
Berkeley to Emeryville Japanese American Owned Businesses – 1940

The tension created by this forced wartime migration of racially opposed groups, relocating to a centralized area that was known for its racial neutrality for the most part — began to show a marked change in daily life. These never before seen confrontations weren’t simply caused by an increase of a racially dichotomous population. Social gains that had been made by the African American communities in the Bay Area since the 1800’s began to rapidly dissolve, based solely on incoming xenophobic attitudes nurtured by newcomers unfamiliar with the ways of urban environment in America. In truth, the Civil Rights movement began before America’s involvement in World War II with the original March on Washington Movement, which prompted President Roosevelt to sign Executive Order 8802, testing this new anti-discrimination policy to its limits during World War II.

The main factor for a steady uptick and acceleration of racism, was primarily driven by the economic migration patterns of African Americans from the North and South, and similar migration patterns of the “Okies” and “Arkies” from the plains states to the West Coast. From the the very beginning of World War II, vast financial opportunities presented themselves for those who needed and wanted to work in the war industrial complex, which offered every man and woman three shift around the clock, which immediately began after December 7, 1941. This quick, and poorly planned hastening of manpower to fuel the war industry was a phenomenal undertaking, which made no room for the analysis of required housing needs of these wartime migrants, or social inclusion for those that showed up to support the war effort. Racism increased exponentially with this rapid migration of millions, and bigotry and prejudice was also a byproduct of a need for mass production to occur, as a rapid response to rebuild the destroyed American naval power.


San Pedro News Pilot, Volume 15, Number 176, 26 September 1942
San Pedro News Pilot — September 26, 1942

The war had also caused massive labor shortages in other industries, while this new, incoming multi-ethnic labor force threatened the long standing tradition of “white-only” shipyard metal trades workers — and “white-only” metal trades union membership.

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The Corps of Engineers – Troops and Equipment, Volume 6, page 541

San Pedro News Pilot, Volume 15, Number 97, 26 June 1942
San Pedro News Pilot,  June 26, 1942

San Pedro News Pilot, Volume 16, Number 214, 10 November 1943
San Pedro News Pilot, November 10, 1943

Between 1940 t0 1944, the African American population on the West Coast increased by 113%!

In the locations of Portland-Vancouver and the San Francisco Bay Area, the African American population increased by 437% and 227%, respectively, thereby shrinking the already limited and segregated areas that African Americans had lived in for decades on the West Coast. Vanport, Oregon and Richmond, California were once military industrial boom towns during World War II, where Kaiser ship yards dominated the war time employment needs of the nation, and grew in population faster than housing accommodations for this new working class could be provided. Trailers and rode side shanties were not an uncommon sight to see along the roadways and empty lots in California wartime boom towns.

The War Manpower Commission was set up in 1942 to ensure a steady flow of able-bodied workers to meet the needs of the Dept. of War, the War Production Board, and the Labor Production Division of the War Production Board. At the same time, maintaining enough available draftees for the war in Europe, Africa and the Pacific, and workers for agriculture labor, and clerical workers for the United States Civil Service Commission was also a wartime imperative. The often seen images and photographs of World War II, gives one the impression that there was overall unified solidarity among the races, that played on the average American’s psyche, fostering a particularly strong sense of stoicism and reverence when it came to race relations within the work place. The undercurrent of those race relations were somewhat different.


Landscape
Oakland Tribune Paul Robeson singing the “Star Spangled Banner”, Moore Dry Dock, September 21, 1942. (Oakland Tribune Collection – Gift of ANG Newspapers)


Jazz singer Lena Horne christened liberty ship at Kaiser Shipyard
Jazz singer Lena Horne, christened liberty ship, SS George Washington, at Kaiser Shipyard, May 7, 1943 (Office of War Information photographer Photo by E.F.Joseph)

The Fair Employment Practice Committee, created in 1941 to execute Executive Order 8802, banned discriminatory employment practices by Federal agencies, and employers who contracted out work for the Federal government, and this included all unions and companies connected and engaged in wartime-related works. The executive order also established the Fair Employment Practices Commission to enforce this new policy.”. The Federal Government ability to end racial discrimination in the workplace was an uphill battle. The overall effect sometimes led to violence, as it did in Mobile,Alabama at the
Alabama Drydock and Shipbuilding Company, when 4,000 angry white employees attacked every African American connected with the shipyard they could find, after 12 African Americans were promoted to equal positions as their white counterparts.

When the A-26 Boilermakers’ donned their uniforms
for the first time in the summer of 1942, and scheduled games against their opponents, there was little doubt that the objective was more than baseball.

Kaiser Stands Firm 1942

Telegrams related to labor issue involving black workers in PortWestern Union Telegram, from John. P. Frey to Henry Kaiser concerning demotions of African American shipyard worker- October 22, 1942


San Bernardino Sun, Volume 49, 22 October 1942
San Bernardino Sun – October 22, 1942


Mill Valley Record, Volume XLVI, Number 98, 15 December 1942-i
Mill Valley Record, Volume XLVI, Number 98, 15 December 1942-iii
Mill Valley Record, Volume XLVI, Number 98, 15 December 1942-ii
Mill Valley Record – December 15, 1942


Organized Labor, Volume 44, Number 34, 21 August 1943
Organized Labor – August 21, 943.


San Pedro News Pilot, Volume 16, Number 229, 27 November 1943
San Pedro News Pilot – November 27, 1943


Negro Boiiermaker Strike November 20, 1943-iii-Marin Shipyards
Negro Boilermaker Strike – Auxiliary Union Leaders meet before strike, November 20, 1943 –Marinship Corporation – Marin Shipyards. (UC Berkeley, Bancroft Library)

Negro Boiiermaker Strike November 20, 1943-ii-Marin Shipyards
Negro Boilermaker Strike – Auxiliary Union Leader speaks to striking workers, November 20, 1943 –Marinship Corporation – Marin Shipyards. (UC Berkeley, Bancroft Library)

Negro Boiiermaker Strike November 20, 1943 -Marin Shipyards
Negro Boilermaker Strike, November 20, 1943 –Marinship Corporation – Marin Shipyards. (UC Berkeley, Bancroft Library)

Mill Valley Record, Volume XLV, Number 59, 2 December 1943
Mill Valley Record – December 2, 1943

Sausalito News, Volume 58, Number 48, 2 December 1943
Sausalito News – December 2, 1943


Mill Valley Record, Volume XLVI, Number 8, 24 February 1944
Mill Valley Record – February 24, 1944


Sausalito News, Volume 60, Number 5, 1 February 1945
Sausalito News – February 1, 1945

The West Coast was never immune to racial discrimination when it came to public life or the workplace, and this is true especially where employment was concerned. 

The A-26 Boilermakers’ uniforms were a form of World War II “social media“, that kept the unrepresented African American shipyard workers in the public eye, using the sports page as a means to send political message. This ‘fashion as a form of protest’ strategy, or ‘dressing for dissent’, is a technique of political resistance or political activism, used in campaigns that address matters of much needed social reform. The A-26 Boilermakers’ uniforms made a undeniable statement of existence, —  as the sport of baseball is a reflection of American culture in real time. What they chose to wear, what they named their team, what they called themselves, was a measured response to their daily lives that included “separate but equal”, — which was separate and very far from equal.  

With their ever-present opponents at the “The City Within The City”, the Moore Dry Dock team, where white Boilermakers’ union counterparts lived and worked on a daily basis an acknowledgement of the A-26 Boilermakers’ existence was important. The A-26 Boilermakers’ were in some part responsible for initiation of the California Supreme Court case, James v. Marinship, in 1944. This landmark decision was an early test case for the ‘yet to become’ Supreme Court Judge Thurgood Marshall‘s skill set as a Civil Rights attorney for the N.A.A.C.P., which gave teeth to Brown v. The Board of Education.

The court battle between Marinship supported by the Local 6 versus Joseph James and the A-41 “auxiliary” union would last a year.

The International Brotherhood of Boilermakers, Iron Shipbuilders and Helpers of America were uncooperative when it came to the needs of the War Manpower Commission, and refused to comply with with Executive Order 8802, continuing the practice of segregation in the workplace under the auspices that these unions, and their locals, were “closed shop” white-only unions  Even though “white-only” unions operated outside of compliance with the needs of the nation to end World War II quickly, segregation persevered and ignored Executive Order 8802 in its entirety. African Americans involved in the war effort’s ship building projects were required to make their own “auxiliary” unions and union locals — designated by an “A“. This action was only feasible with the permission of their ‘parent’ locals, where white union members and leaders made all the decisions for the disenfranchised African Americans shipyard workers.

A-26 were Moore Dry Dock workers in Oakland, A-36 were Kaiser Shipyards workers in Richmond, and A-33 and A-41 were Shipfitters in the Marinship Corporation in Sausalito. These “auxiliary” unions were controlled by their ‘parent’ locals, Local 9, Local 39, and Local 681 in Oakland, and Local 513 in Richmond. Nearly 20% of the workforce at Moore Dry Dock during World War II were African Americans, but they were also largely unrepresented in matters of labor and management. This particular baseball team, the A-26 Boilermakers, represented all African American wartime industry workers on the West Coast, and across the nation as well, in their struggle for union representation and equality under the law — as men and women who were classified as “union members” for all intents and purposes, but denied union representation and union benefits.

Before Rosa Parks refused to get up and relinquish her seat in the “colored section” to a white passenger, and move to the back of the bus, before John Carlos and Tommie Smith raised their black leather gloved clad fist at the 1968 Olympics and gave the Black Power salute, and long before Colin Kaepernick and Megan Rapinoe took a knee against police brutality — the A-26 Boilermakers,as a team‘, chose their moniker carefully, knowing full well that any articles written about them, ‘as a team‘, would draw attention to the plight of the African Americans who worked in the defense industry during World War II, and keep it before the public. Jim Crow was the follow up to Executive Order 8802. Today, it would be difficult to even imagine a person working in a union job, and doing so — required to pay full union dues, while having no voting power or representation, nowhere to air or arbitrate their grievances, required to accept reduced insurance coverage, — and were segregated from the main body of union members; but during World War II, segregation was not just limited to public spaces like diners, stores, theaters and buses.


OT-Great Negro Stars To Play-822-1942-i
OT-Great Negro Stars To Play-822-1942-ii
Oakland Tribune -August 22, 1942


The A-26 Boilermakers were comprised of the following members:

  1) Theodore “Teddy” Gabe – Catcher
  2) Claude Brown – First Base
  3) Eddie Burke – Second Base
  4) Les Saunders – Short Stop
  5) Willie “Tat” Mays – Pitcher/Third Base
  6) Al Plowers – Center Field
  7) Rowland “Monk” Ewing – Second Base/Infield
  8) Homer Holloway – Pitcher/Catcher/Outfield
  9) Roy Edmonson – Right Field
10) Earl (“Minneweather”) Meneweather – Left Field
11) TimothyMike” “Showboat” Berry – Pitcher
12) “Wee Willie” Jones – Pitcher


Ernest (“Ernie”) R. Raimondi and Albert (“Al”) Raimondi were headliners for the Moore Dry Dock team line up. Both brothers had spent significant time in the Pacific Coast League, and were considered some of the best the league had to offer. These baseball series between the he Moore Dry Dock team and the A-26 Boilermakers were representative of how integrated baseball had developed over the last three decades in the San Francisco Bay Area, prior to World War II. These events would take place at Bayview Park or the Pacific Coast League’s Oaks Park in Emeryville. 


OT-Great Negro Stars To Play-822-1942-iii
Oakland Tribune -August 22, 1942


Home field for the A-26 Boilermakers was Bayview Park, opened to the public in 1910 in West Oakland, which eventually became Raimondi Park in 1947, in honor of Ernie Raimondi.

Herrick Iron Works can be seen in the background. They were a major supply source for steel for making Victory and Liberty ships in the Bay Area.

Boilermakers A26 baseball team; [E.F. Joseph collection, Careth Reid; Sports]
A-26 Boilermakers‘ Pitcher, Timothy “Mike” “Showboat” Berry, “Bayview” (Raimondi) Park. June, 18, 1942. (Office of War Information photographer Photo by E.F.Joseph)

In his early years, Timothy “Mike” “Showboat” Berry, also known as “Cannonball” Berry, played for the Van Dyke Colored House of David. Eventually moving to the West, Berry was a individual who stayed mobile, even as a youth who was born in Kansas City.  He played for the St. Louis Stars, Atlanta Black Crackers, California Eagles, Cincinnati Crescents, San Francisco Sea Lions, California Tigers,
Kansas City Monarchs.

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TimothyMike” “Showboat” Berry – WWII Draft Registration

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California Eagles
California EaglesTimothyMike” “Showboat” Berry -1940


Honolulu Star-Bulletin-05 Oct 1946,
Honolulu Star-Bulletin – Oct 5, 1946


Cincinnati Crescents 1946-ii
Cincinnati Crescents 1946 (touring team)


Cincinnati Crescents 1946-iii
Cincinnati Crescents – TimothyMike” “Show Boat” Berry – 1946


Boilermakers A26 baseball team; [E.F. Joseph collection, Careth Reid; Sports]
A-26 Boilermakers‘ Pitcher/Third Base, Willie “Tat” Mays, “Bayview” (Raimondi) Park. June, 18, 1942. (Office of War Information photographer Photo by E.F.Joseph)


Willie “Tat” Mays
A-26 Boilermakers‘ Pitcher/Third Base, Willie “Tat” Mays , “Bayview” (Raimondi) Park. June, 18, 1942. (Office of War Information photographer Photo by E.F.Joseph)


The life of Willie “Tat” Mays is better explained in Gary Ashwill’s post, “
Willie Mays, 1946 San Francisco Sea Lions“, at his blog Agate Type.



Boilermakers A26 baseball team; [E.F. Joseph collection, Careth Reid; Sports]
A-26 Boilermakers‘ Catcher, Theodore “Teddy” Gabe, “Bayview” (Raimondi) Park. June, 18, 1942. (Office of War Information photographer Photo by E.F.Joseph)

Theodore “Teddy” Gabe led a very interesting life. It began in Tulsa, Oklahoma, where he grew up in a single parent home with his mother, Beulah, as a descendant of the Creek Freedmen of the Muscogee Creek, until he was removed by the state and sent to live in the Industrial Institute for the Deaf  Blind and Orphans of the Colored Race, in Taft, Oklahoma. Gabe was actually from Oklahoma, but could never be considered an “Okie” under the rules of race and social class during World War II. His skin color dictated his social status.

Ted Edward Gabe-Oklahoma, School Records, 1895-1936 Muskogee
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Gabe was an educated man, who spent time at both the University of Washington and U.C. Berkeley, but in 1940, Gabe spent some time as a resident at San Quentin as prisoner #64693. After his release, he went to work at the Kaiser shipyards.

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Theodore “Teddy” Edward Gabe – WWII Draft Registration

After the war ended, Gabe went on to play with the Oakland Larks and San Diego Tigers. He finished his degree at U.C Berkeley and went on to become a photographer apprentice with National Geographic.


Wee Willie Jones
A-26 Boilermakers‘ Pitcher, “Wee Willie” Jones, “Bayview” (Raimondi) Park. June, 18, 1942. (Office of War Information photographer Photo by E.F.Joseph)

It has been said that “Wee Willie” Jones once played for the Zulu Cannibal Giants and the Van Dyke House of David, but the details are sketchy at best. Wee Willie Jones also went by the moniker “Sad Sam” Jones. Jones last stop was with the Oakland Larks, which ended his baseball career on an up note.

WCBA Official Score Card-Larks vs. Sea Lions
West Coast Baseball Association program“Wee Willie” Jones -1946



Homer Hollaway
A-26 Boilermakers‘ Pitcher/Catcher/Outfield, Homer Holloway, “Bayview” (Raimondi) Park. June, 18, 1942. (Office of War Information photographer Photo by E.F.Joseph)


Homer Holloway was once played ball for the St. Louis Blues. A transplant from Jackson, Mississippi, Holloway barnstormed in his early years with the Blues, and probably decided to stay in the West for reasons pertaining to steady employment. He played for the California Eagles, during their heyday as the Oakland Tribune Tournament Champions of 1940, where he was team mates with Mike “Show Boat” Berry and Claude Brown.

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St. Louis BluesHomer Holloway -1936



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Oakland Tribune – August 27, 1940


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Homer Holloway – WWII Draft Registration


Earl (“Minneweather”) Meneweather– Left Fielder for the A-26 Boilermakers, was a professional football player, spent two years playing halfback for the San Francisco Packers of the Pacific Coast Professional Football League who was a graduate of  Humbolt State University. He was also a football and basketball star.

Earl (“Minneweather”) Meneweather was many things throughout his entire life.


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A-26 Boilermakers’ Left Field, Earl (“Minneweather”) Meneweather, “Bayview” (Raimondi) Park. June, 18, 1942. (Office of War Information photographer Photo by E.F.Joseph)

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Earl (“Minneweather”) Meneweather – Humbolt State University HOF


San Bernardino Sun, Volume 48, 2 September 1942
San Bernardino Sun – September 2, 1942


The A-26 Boilermakers were the forerunners in the passive resistance protest movements that would sweep America after Word War II, which became commonplace in the Civil Rights movements of the 1960’s. They let their skills at the shipyards and on the baseball field speak to what equality was supposed to represent when “All Men Are Created Equal” was the standard America was founded on.

“Heroes don’t always wear capes, …”
  
Sometimes they wear baseball uniforms.




 










Those Eastside Girls: African American Women’s Baseball

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1928-Young Women of Twelfth Street “Colored Branch” of the YWCA

Early Women’s baseball has ostensibly been earmarked with the ‘beginning of league play between women’ with the founding of the All American Girls Professional Baseball League. But before there was “A League Of Their Own“, there was another unheard of league that played at White Sox Field in South Central Los Angeles, whenever the opportunity was presented to them. The league itself had no name, yet the teams were grounded in very competitive league play, and that league flourished between 1926  to 1928, right before the Great Depression would take a toll on the entire American population.

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Twelfth Street “Colored Branch” of the YWCA

As reported weekly by Gladys Mathonican, for the California Eagle column called “Girletics“, the Y.W.C.A.’s Southern California Girl Reserves teams from all over Los Angeles gathered to play head-to-head, with much fan fair.

CE-Girletics-12-24-1926-i-H. Levette
California Eagle -December 24, 1926

Gladys was a young sports editor and the upcoming sidekick of Harry Levette, lead sports editor and entertainment reporter for the California Eagle. Levette was Southern California’s version of Northern California’s Byron “Speed” Reilly. When it came to sports and entertainment reporting, Levette, who was a very well known Associated Negro Press icon, had his hands full with covering professional and semi-professional sporting events and national entertainment highlights visiting in town, and those national items that came off the wire for the Associated Negro Press.

Gladys, who was young, intelligent and well spoken, took up the slack for Levette. She was also a well known singer in the Los Angeles area, and also a Girl Reserves athlete as well. The YWCA group that was created for reaching every race, creed, and color shortly after the end of World War I, was used to enhance societal spirituality and foster good health and moral upbringing of young American women.

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The Girl Reserves motto was as follows:

As A Girl Reserve: I will try to be…

Gracious In All Manner,
Impartial In All Judgment,
Ready For All Service,
Loyal To All Friends

Reaching Toward The Best,
Earnest In Purpose,
Seeing The Beautiful,
Eager For Knowledge,
Reverent For God,
Victorious Over Self,
Ever Dependable,
Sincere At All Times.

The study of African American women in baseball is limited in some aspects only to those women who participated in the Negro Leagues; like Mamie “Peanut” Johnson, Toni Stone, and Connie Morgan. But who proceeded them as role models? Were there roles models for them outside of men playing the sport of baseball? The facts show that women played organized baseball, in league type play, long before World War II and Philip K. Wrigley creation of the AAGPBL.

In 1913, at Eastlake Park, in the Booker T. Washington community, two teams of African American women picked up the bat and balled and played a baseball game against one another to raise money for the, African Methodist Episcopal Mission, which would eventually become the Tanner Chapel African Methodist Episcopal Church in the city of Phoenix, Arizona.  Tanner Chapel is located directly across the street from Chase Field, home of the Arizona Diamondbacks.

The Arizona Republican-Nov. 27-1913
The Arizona Republican-November,  27, 1913

The Eastside Girls neighborhood was nestled neatly between Central Avenue and Long Beach Blvd., and was the mecca of Black Los Angeles, in close proximity to the city of Vernon, which was formerly called the “Furlong Tract”. It was where black culture thrived in early Los Angeles. Central Avenue of course was the heartbeat for African American community and culture in Southern California, where black people from all over the United States migrated to, seeking opportunity and change, bringing with them a piece of their Southern roots.

The Dunbar Hotel and Lincoln Theater, would be centrally located in this burgeoning neighborhood as well as White Sox Park, which was expansive, and was Los Angeles’s predecessor in multicultural arts, entertainment, sports and cuisine, based totally on a segregated past that held people of color within a single location in Los Angeles county, during the era of Jim Crow.

CE-Dunbar Hotel Ad-4-24-1929
California Eagle -April 24, 1929

CE-Lincoln Theater-9-30-1927
California Eagle -September 30, 1927

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The Heart of Central Avenue of South Central Los Angeles – Exposition Park to the West, City of Vernon to the East.

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White Sox Park next to Snyder-Ross Park – 38th and Compton

The structure of the Girl Reserves baseball teams were initiated as intramural contests between young middle school aged girls through young women approaching college age within their own YWCA branch. Each contest was supposed last for a short period of time in order to receive the completion requirements, as one of the items listed on Honors System roll. The women of Los Angeles took the Girl Reserves baseball to a different level of competitive sports within the ranks of the YWCA organization.

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Under the Honors List, section 1, subsection (C), number 45, listed of the “Outdoor Activities”, a Girl Reserves was to “Know the different positions on a baseball diamond and how to keep score.“. And (46), “Play on an organized team for four weeks.“. Daily exercises options included in, “EXERCISES FOR GIRL RESERVES AND OTHER TEENAGE GIRLS”, were batting and stretching movements to be performed twice daily, morning and night,  for ten minutes.

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The Girl Reserve Movement A Manual For Advisers – 1918

The Los Angeles area Girl Reserves movement was not indoor baseball. The home field for the Eastside Girls was Ross-Synder Park, which was located right next to White Sox Park, home of the California Winter League, which at that time existed in the same block of 38th Street and Compton Avenue. A lot of these young women more than likely witnessed the Philadelphia Royal Giants three years in a row, and were inspired by their awesome skills on the diamond.

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California Eagle -May 6, 1927

As for the integration of baseball aspects of the Girl Reserve league, they challenged and accepted all comers, very much like many games that took place at White Sox Park. The league was prominent enough to draw the attention of fight promoter Carlo Curtis, who owned and operated Main Street Athletic Club, and also promoted such fighters as Fidel LaBarba and Rocky Marciano.

Carlo Curis Main Street Gym
Carlo Curtis with Fidel LaBarba and Rocky Marciano at the Main Street Athletic Club

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CE-Eastside Girl Baseball Team Practing Hard 4-8-1927

California Eagle – April 8. 1927

Their notoriety was mentioned in newspapers as far away as Pennsylvania.

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Pittsburgh PA Courier – Jan. 27, 1927

In the years that preceded the Great Depression, the Girl Reserves of Los Angeles county were a big draw in every community, but very little is known about their exploits so far as statistics go. Eastside Girls, Westside Girls, Carlos Curtis’s Girls, the Dodecagenians, the Golden Poppy Girls, the Pasadena Girls, the 12th Street Girls, the Japanese Girls, and Jessie Rayford’s Red Sox made up this league play, that held series that were often played in White Sox Park, in front of sell out crowds.

***CE-Rayfords Red Sox Play Eastside Girls Return Match At White Sox Park Aug 18 | 8-10-1928

California Eagle – August 10, 1928

Genevieve Hawkins (Eastside Girls), Otis “Babe” Wiggins (Eastside Girls), Jessie Rayford (Westside Girls), Quincella Nickerson (Dodecagenians), Jessie Mae Nickerson (Dodecagenians), were a few of the well noted players in the league, and were outstanding athletes in their own right, although most were known for other accomplishments or societal gossip. Otis “Babe” Wiggins was a prominent Southern California tennis star years before Althea Gibson would take African American women to international tennis fame, and Jessie Rayford was a world class track star of Olympic caliber before Wilma Rudolph. Most of these women played basketball as well, but baseball was what they were noted for excelling at.

The Nickerson sisters, Quincella and Jessie Mae, were the daughters of  William Nickerson Jr., founder an President of Golden State Mutual Insurance Company; the” largest black-owned insurance company in the West”.

Quincella is better known for her short lived, supposed ‘tryst’ with Jesse Owens. The story itself made no sense, other than the fact than Jesse was a national track star, staying in the dorms with some members of Sigma Chi frat house at U.S.C., which was about two miles from the heart of Central Avenue. Quincella introduced Jesse to the unfamiliar territory of Los Angeles, as one of Central Avenue’s famous and elite daughters. She was his escort when he was being introduced to Hollywood’s rich and famous, and their arranged companionship was more than likely at the request of her father.

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Jesse Owens and Quincella Nickerson – Los Angeles, July 2, 1935

When we talk about segregation and baseball, the tendency is to exclude the African American woman from this scenario, thereby excluding her importance as an athlete of historical representation, never quite certain of where her entry point into the world of sports began. The African American female was not merely a spectator of baseball, and other sports as well in those early years; she was also a vital participant that helped grow the sport to what it is today.  Those Eastside Girls remind us of how things that followed them, evolved into some of the greatest baseball ever played.

 

 

 

 

 

So Different Baseball Team- Pierce Giants of Oakland

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1923 Pierce Giants of Oakland
: At Pierce Field, in Richmond California
(Left to Right): Charles Reid, Richards, Harold “Yellowhorse” Morris

Gerald Early is often quoted, stating that: “There are only three things that America will be remembered for 2000 years from now when they study this civilization: The Constitution, Jazz music, and Baseball. These are the 3 most beautiful things this culture’s ever created.” Early jazz and baseball once had a symbiotic relationship; a musical relationship that no longer exist in today’s modern era.

And what we know about Steve Pierces Pierce Giants of Oakland is both unique and minimal. We know that they staked a claim on being the Colored Champions of Northern California. We know that the twenty-one year old Harold “Yellowhorse” Morris got his start there, under the tutelage of manager Chet Bost and owner Steve Pierce. We know that “Yellowhorse” Morris went on to be a starting pitcher for the Kansas City Monarchs in 1924, and held the same job for the Detroit Stars in 1925.

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1923 Pierce Giants of Oakland: Harold “Yellowhorse” Morris

We also know that Steve Pierce bought the Detroit Stars from Tenny Blount, after a successful run as the owner of the Pierce Giants of Oakland. These ‘known knowns‘ create the foundation for the unique and minimal tales of the Pierce Giants of Oakland legacy.

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1923 Pierce Giants of Oakland
: Chet Bost and Steve Pierce (owner)

When we take a look at jazz as an purist art form, we realize that it takes the most significant cultural elements of our society and communicates them in musical terms. Jazz is a rift on musical notes that are known, yet easily improvised on, once the style and rhythm is set in motion. Baseball and jazz are two very important and significant cultural elements that are specifically American in their design, and jazz is rooted in baseball, based on the word “jazz” all by itself. This is not a story about Benny Henderson and his famed “jazz ball” pitch, even though the concept of a pitch being motivated by sound is something in need of much more historical exploration.

From the beginning of the Dead Ball Era of 1901 to 1919, to the Live Ball Era of 1920 to 1941, jazz music and the word, “jazz” played a significant role in this beautifully structured game known as baseball. Yet, the paradox that jazz music supplied to baseball, was an integral part of the that crafted the ‘seeing’, ‘feeling’, and ‘hearing’ of a game that took place among spectators and players of that sport, both on and off the field. Rousing conversations about improvised moments on the field of play connected the average fan to the rising and falling of rhythms, beats and tempos, which included base on balls, a hot double plays, or swinging away and connecting the bat to ball for a home run driven out of the park.

No one can be exactly sure when the word “jazz” and baseball became synonymous with one another, even though some have theorized that it all began in 1912, with a pitcher named Benny Henderson, who threw a pitch called a “jazz ball“. If the truth be told, the word jazz was used for multiple sporting events during the Dead Ball era, from soccer to football, boxing, and of course — baseball as well.

Gunboat Smith vs. Sam Langford

San Francisco Call,  September 22, 1913

Dr. Leonard K. Hirshberg, of John Hopkins University once published an article in 1917 called,Rest And Quiet The Sure Cure Of What Is Called Jazz Disease“, and attributed his findings by correlating a poem by Vachel Lindsay called, “The Congo: The Study Of The Negro Race”, that read like a Rudyard Kipling poem written by  Dr. John H. Van Evrie. He defined jazz as sort of a delirium or ecstasy of excitement, that was the result of too much action and not enough rest. Jazz in Hirshberg’s eyes — was a malady that was only curable through substantial rest, a plain diet, plenty of sleep, and living a better way of life.

He also laid the sole blame of said jazz disease on “the Negroes“, who had all sorts of ‘traditions’, ‘superstitions’, and ‘fireside folk stories’ about King Jazz and the Jazz Band. Hirchberg, who often took liberties with the truth whenever there was sawbuck involved, was seemingly an expert on so many subjects — that he was eventually found guilty of being the brains behind a $1,000,000 mail fraud scheme, and spent four years in an Atlanta prison.

By 1917, the word ‘jazz‘ was in full rotation, and the world of music as it was known then was completely redefined, moving away from the syncopation of  Ragtime towards Gut Bucket Blues.

Benny Henderson photo
The Sunday Oregonian., September 17, 1911

In truth, for all the ‘jazz’ that Henderson had on his wobbly curve ball, Benny was his own worse enemy. He was an binge-drinking alcoholic. He was often involved in drunk driving accidents on more than one occasion. He even ran his car into The Cabin, a road house saloon located at the corner Fell  and Stanyan streets, just outside Golden Gate Park in the Panhandle, in one of his drunken stupors while driving through San Francisco.  Another time, he ran his car into a street car at the corner of Kearny St. and Market, escaping injury himself, but his passengers were not so lucky. For all intents and purposes, Henderson should have never been behind the wheel.

Henderson in reality was a great pitcher and at the same time a contract jumper, who preferred playing in Cy Moering‘s outlawed California State League; but he was also a raging alcoholic, who probably never should have played for Portland’s PCL team. Not because he wasn’t good enough. Because he was good enough. Henderson had once vowed that as long as Moering had a league to play in, that he would continue to play for Moering no matter what the consequence were. The city of Portland, at the time of Henderson’s tenure with the Beavers, was a den on iniquity between the years 1908 and 1914. There was no way Henderson could have remained on the “water wagon”, as he had promised McCredie he would, because vice was one of Portland’s main selling points and one of its biggest draws as a city.

Good Twirler-Bad Driver

San Francisco Call,  August 13, 1912

Like clockwork, Benny Henderson went AWOL more than once from the Pacific Coast League.  But he also went AWOL from the California State League. Cy Moering was just more forgiving than J. Cal Ewing or Walter McCredie.  Henderson consistent drinking problem was much more unwavering than his ‘jazz ball’, or his ability to show up for training camp, or abide by his contract for the sake of his team for an entire season that he signed on for. The No Booze slash Water Wagon contract that McCredie had him sign had zero effect on Henderson’s alcoholic reality.

The Kearny Street accident better explains Henderson’s proneness to driving accidents, and how he came to call this wobbling pitch the jazz ball. This specific location is within walking distance of a place once known as “Terrific Street“, where West Coast Jazz was born. It was the left coast’s home to many of the original jazz greats like King Oliver and Jelly Roll Morton. But the most significant patriarch of West Coast jazz was none other than Louis “Sid” LeProtti, who was Sid Purcell‘s and Sam King‘s top act at the So Different Cafe, located at 520 Pacific Street in North Beach area near Chinatown. “Sid” LeProtti was the most active jazz pianist on the Barbary Coast in its heyday, between 1907 and 1917. Purcell’s So Different Cafe was a hot spot for night life and over-the-top ‘entertainment’ that rivaled the likes of New York City, Chicago, and New Orleans when it came to high class but sometimes illegal and titillating raucous enjoyment.

Born the illegitimate son of Louis LeProtti, an immigrant dry goods salesman from Italy, and Amelia “Netty” Dangerfield, a seamstress from Oakland, California, “Sid” LeProtti grew up a biracial child abandoned by his birth father, learning the harsh realities of a segregated society early in life. Listening  to music and playing classical piano became his solace. Falling in love with the piano playing styles of “Blind Tom” Wiggins” and “John William “Blind” Boone“, “Sid” LeProtti trained himself in both a variation of classical piano and the music of the day; Ragtime. By the age of twenty-one, LeProtti had earned the top billing spot at Purcell’s So Different Cafe, which was in direct competition with the Red Mill, also known as the Moulin Rouge. You also had Spider Kelly’s Saloon and Dance Hall, The Thalia, Izzy Gomez’s Cafe, Parenti’s Saloon, The Midway, Griffin’s, and The Hippodrome, that had their paws in everything from taxi dancing to the key rackets.

Spider Kelly's
1915Spider Kelly’s Saloon and Dance Hall

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1915- “Terrific Street” – Thalia’s, Spider Kelly’s, The Hippodrome, and The So Different Cafe on Pacific Street.

But it was here, on Terrific Steet— as seen in this 1914 video, in the So Different Cafe, the Texas Tommy dance craze was invented, and spread throughout the country like wildfire. This is the only known footage of the early Crescent Orchestra. The Texas Tommy was such popular dance that theater producers sent dancers West to learn the dance, and some of them like Al Jolson, hired dancers from the Barbary Coast to teach the Texas Tommy to their chorus lines for their stage productions back East.  These Barbary Coast saloons, also known as  “black and tans” clubs, catered to black and white patronage alike, and despite their limited number and size, were often frequented by the famous as well as the infamous of Bay Area society.

So Different Jazz Band-Texas Tommy
1914–Sid Purcell’s So Different Cafe, with “Sid” LeProtti and the ‘Crescent Orchestra’, which would eventually become the So Different Jazz Band.

In 1915, Sid LeProtti reorganized his Crescent Orchestra to become the So Different Jazz Band. From here, along with other details about Sid LeProtti’s time spent at Sid Purcell So Different Cafe in the heart of the Jackson Square, we can see how West Coast jazz was taking shape, ala leaning towards a New Orleans flavor. New Orleans was called Crescent City because the original town-the Vieux Carré, was built at a sharp bend in the Mississippi River. The fact that “Sid” LeProtti named his first band after ‘Crescent City’, also known as  New Orleans, points to what influenced his musical talents, even though they were steeped in West Coast African American culture.

Oakland Sunshine (Oakland, Calif.), Ed. 1 Saturday, March 20, 1915-Pg. 1.jpg
The Oakland Sunshine, March 20, 1915

 

Sid Le Protti's So Different Jazz Band-1915-1918
1915 — The So Different Jazz Band
(Left to Right): Clarence Williams, Benjamin Franklin “Reb” Spikes, Adam “Slocum” Mitchell, Louis “Sid” LeProtti, Gerald D. Wells, Peter Stanley.

At the turn of the 20th century, they referred to early jazz as ‘barbarous noise for a degenerative peoples’, because this was the new sound of African American culture, rising up during the first Great Migration, and it was being spread throughout the United States by way of railroad from Coast to Coast, courtesy of your local Pullman porters including Purcell and King. The Oakland Mole, or course was the terminus, or “end of the line” for all passengers headed West.

The Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe rail yards roundhouse was located in Richmond, California. Pierce Field was owned and operated by Steve Pierce, and the grandstand on the baseball grounds, once stood between Macdonald and Nevin Avenues just west of First Street, — and were located near Atchison Village Park where the St. John’s Apartment complex is located today. The Pierce Giants of Oakland were very well known throughout the entire state of California and barnstormed locally in the Bay Area, Sacramento and Napa regions, and well out of those regions, as far South as Los Angeles.

By 1917, jazz was well rooted in every day American culture, not only as a word, but as a relationship with those who listened to it for its entertainment value and expression of the unspoken trials and tribulations of being human, in a world on the brink of humanistic collapse. The world was at war with itself, and the tavern life offered an escape from the inevitability of a relatively short life span that left the average man dead by the age of 48.

From 1914 to 1917, the war in Europe raged on to what seemed to be no end in sight. “Sid” Leprotti’s So Different Jazz Band eventually left Sid Purcell’s So Different Cafe, but kept the band’s name in spite of their departure from Purcell’s. Preserved records on the life of “Sid” LeProtti’s  indicate that on his World War I Draft Registration, he and his jazz band were working at the Portola Louvre Restaurant, a much classier cafe in downtown San Francisco. Located at Powell and Market, the Portola would bring LeProtti even higher recognition in the world of music and social standing in the West Coast jazz community.

Portola Lourve

1915-Portola Lourve Restaurant

LeProtti was making jazz waves all over California, playing clubs all along the Coast, whenever he could get a paying gig. Baron Long’s Tavern, on 108th and and Central Avenue in Watts, was one of the places that “Sid” Leprotti worked continuously, along side a young dancer named Rudolph Valentino, the “tango pirate“, and his rowdy partner, Marjorie Tain. Long’s Tavern was a Los Angeles area based ‘black and tan’, opened by Long for the purpose of catering specifically to early Hollywoodland’s elite performers, local politicians, and ne’er-do-wells. It was located in a nearby unincorporated area, so alcohol could be served around the clock. This was a era when Long’s Tavern was frequented by Roscoe “Fatty” Arbuckle, Charlie Chaplin, Lottie Pickford, Jack Pickford, Mary Pickford, Mack Sennett, Harold Lloyd and many others who went looking for a good time and good music.

From 1907 to 1926, Watts was a hotbed of unsavory politics, within this predominately all-white community, that was run on bawdy entertainment, bootleg whiskey, and bad decisions. In 1917, Sid LeProtti created a sensation on the Hollywood nightclub scene, by playing the yet unpublished Jelly Roll Morton song, “The Crave“, which caused a major rift between these two musicians. The public at large preferred the LeProtti version of the song to the Morton improvised version of his own work. The Cadillac Cafe on Fifth and Central Avenue in Watts, the old stomping grounds of Morton, was one the many haunts that LeProtti played to an overwhelming jazz following, that were both black and white, so these two men crossing paths while playing in the Los Angeles proper was not uncommon.

Jelly roll Morton-1917 Cadillac Cafe

1917- Jelly Roll Morton Outside The Cadillac Cafe (Left to Right): “Common Sense” Ross, Albertine Pickens, Jelly Roll Morton, Ada “Bricktop” Smith, Eddie Rucker, Mabel Watts.

Aug. 18-1917

California Eagle, August 18, 1917

It was also in Los Angeles that LeProtti found and married his wife, Mayme Golphin. Both “Sid” and Mayme had been previously married, and this was the second go around for the both of them.

One year and one month after “Sid” LeProtti  registered for the draft in 1917, he would be inducted into the U.S. Army in Hawaii. He and his band mates, those who were either drafted or who had enlisted,  were attached to the 25th Infantry Regiment as their resident jazz band. They never spent a single day at Schofield Barracks, but instead their living arrangements were quite exclusive and unique. LeProtti’s rank was “Musician 3rd Class”, five days after arriving from Los Angeles to Hawaii. His permanent living assignment was at the Alexander Young Hotel in Honolulu.

The Roof-Top Garden at the Alexander Young Hotel, one-third of an acre in extent, became one of Honolulu’s most fashionable social venues, in part by the jazz scene that flourished there. During WWI, the Army occupied the entire second floor of the hotel. Even though the Roof-Top Garden venue was great, the war took its toll on the So Different Jazz Band, and most of the musicians ended up going their separate ways after joining the military.

 

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After his tour of duty ended in the South Sea island chain, Leprotti returned home, without a band, and without a job. There were gaps left in his return home, and his fellow band mates had left for the East to replace other musicians who had left to fight the war in Europe, never to return to the West Coast. With money he had saved, LeProtti opened up a shoe shine stand on the corner of Grove Street and University Avenue in Berkeley, and worked as a full time boot black while rebuilding the So Different Jazz Band. Working here and there as an ‘ad-hoc’ pianist, whenever he could, allowed a new So Different Jazz Band to develop from scratch.

“Sid” LeProtti gave Curtis Mosby, Russell Masengale, Ashford Hardee, and Evelyn Joiner their first early breaks in 1922 in the West Coast jazz scene, long before they made big names in the jazz world for themselves. Evelyn Joiner was a phenomenally accomplished entertainer and singer, and very little is known about her, except that she traveled and worked in an ‘all male’ jazz band. Curtis Mosby’s Blues Blowers were legendary, and can be seen playing in the films, Josef Von Sternberg’s 1929 “Thunderbolt” and King Vidor’s 1929 African-American movie musical “Hallelujah“, starring Nina Mae McKinney.

Sid LeProtti New Band
Healdsburg Tribune, September 12, 1922

Healdsburg is actually where this jazz  and baseball story begins. The East Bay location of Sid’s Shine Shop was located on Grove Street and University Avenue in Berkeley, and Purcell’s Cafe in the West Bay located on Pacific Street on the Barbary Coast, are both respectively 70 miles from these locations on either side of the bay, heading North on the King’s Highway — once you’ve crossed over the water. At this time in history, Healdsburg has a predominately white population, located in the heart of Sonoma County, consisting of orchard farmers who provided locally grown goods to both sides of the Bay. Even though segregation is a cultural phenomenon, their fear of African American culture was almost non-existent, especially when to came to money, music, and baseball.

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1923 – Healdsburg Prune Packers

Back row (Left to Right): Al Bidwell, Bob Weston, Bob Vellou, L.J. Hall, Quim Seawell Middle row (Left to Right): Harlan Remmel, Frank Meisner, Pep McDonald, Jim Shinn, Pop Artlett, Gus Smith, Ben Begier Front row (Left to Right): Red Corrick, Zad Vare, Chick Autrey, Husk Contade

The Healdsburg Prune Packers baseball team was organized in 1921, and headed up by former PCL Oakland Oaks pitcher, “Pop” Arlett. This was the era when “Babe” Pinelli, Lou Guisto, Carl Holling played for the Napa team, another steadfast Prune Packer rivalry. Like a lot of teams in the area, the Napans were known for hiring ringers when facing the Prune Packers. From 1921 through 1925, the Pierce Giants of Oakland had a standing invitation to play against the Healdsburg Prune Packers. There was always a big gate, and the Pierce Giants fan base from the East Bay often accompanied them to Healdsburg in groups as large as 400 people. The Pierce Giants of Oakland also traveled with a jazz band, and were highly sought after as a one-stop total entertainment value.

The Healdsburg Tribune-July 16, 1924

The Healdsburg Tribune-July 16, 1924

“Realizing that the game on the local baseball lot tomorrow is the toughest game of the season for them, the Pierce Colored Giants are reported from Oakland to be looking high and low for new playing material, of the proper brunette hue, to strengthen the team that is to line up against the Prune Packers.

So far the only definitive line on increased strength, however, is that addition of the So Different Jazz Band of the colored syncopationists that the Giants carry with them. It is the theory of the colored management that the proper sobbing note on the saxaphone[sic] at just the right moment will add strength to the bats of the dusky players, and that a curve ball thrown by a colored pitcher can be corkscrewed into unbelievable twist if it is urged by a raucous blast on a trombone.

These of course of are only theories, based on the old maxim, “Music hath charms” and it is doubtful if “Pop” Arlett and the Prune Packer aggregation will pay much attention to them. Healdsburg has twice defeated the Giants — one in a pitchers’ battle 1 to 0; the other time in a slugging match, 9 to 8, in 12 innings. It is the intention of the locals to make it three in a row, for nothing it to be gained by weakening the week before the Santa Rosa series starts.” — The Healdsburg Tribune, July 19, 1924

The deeper story that was not told here was the long standing relationship between former team mates and now opposing team leaders, “Pop”Arlett for the Healdsburg Prune Packers and Chet Bost of the Pierce Giants of Oakland, which reached back well over a decade when they both played for Elmhurst in the Oakland City Winter League. These two men were early pioneers of breaking the color line in baseball, who once integrated a team within a league, and  now were engaged in the playing of integrated baseball with an all white team pit against an Independent African American team that traveled all over the state of California during the height of Jim Crow in 1920’s America.

When all is said and done, the story itself involves union vs. non-union musicians and the love of jazz, that was rarely witnessed outside of Terrific Street in San Francisco, West Oakland, or South Berkeley. The battle between the American Federation of Musicians Local 6 in the Bay Area and African American musicians, particularly those that played jazz, is legendary. The best way and sometimes the only way to see the So Different Jazz Band, was to attend a privately sponsored functions, such as a ‘lady’s improvement club’ function, — or a baseball game — where ‘union rules’ of employment for musicians did not apply.

Segregation was one of the strongest factors in where African American jazz bands could be heard or seen live. Even black and tans which operated outside of the laws on most occasions, did so based on the money to be made by the club owners, crooked politicians, and the elite upper crust of society who enjoyed jazz music so much, that the risk was worth the reward in the long run. There is no doubt that African American baseball spread the sounds of jazz all over the nation, and that jazz and baseball were intrinsically tied to one another, by hook and sometimes by crook. Being hard pressed when asking, ‘where has the music of baseball gone?‘, we know that jazz was once the music of baseball that lasted over four decades. The untold story on “How Baseball Gave Us Jazz” is that one where the Pierce Giants of Oakland took the So Different Jazz Band with them when they barnstormed rural California, spreading good will, good cheer, good music, and good baseball wherever they landed.

Interview with “Sid” LeProtti by Turk Murphy, including “The Crave“, (the way Jelly showed me). Film footage of the So Different Cafe on Terrific StreetTexas Tommy and Barbary Coast Dancers featuring the So Different Jazz Band.

 

 

Where they cut their teeth: The Oakland Giants of Grove Street Park

Oakland Giants-ii

1912 Oakland Giants

This amazing photograph of the Oakland Giants tells a very unique story in itself. The kids in the photograph differ in race from the men in the photograph. Upon closer scrutiny, we can see the make up of the team, and who played on it; at least on that day. Not much is known about this African American team, other than they were a sight to see when they took the field, and were crowd pleasers to one and all who enjoyed the pleasure of watching them take up the ball and bat.

Their home field was Grove Street Park, which was located on  in Oakland, California on 57th & Grove Street, which is now called Martin Luther King Jr. Way.  There, they met such teams as Berkeley Independents, Burlingame,  the Brock & Lott team, the Clarions, Hirschfields, the Monarchs, the Pennant Bars,  Mill Valley, and Watsonville. Grove Street Park was once solely leased out by Cy Moreing  of the California State League from the Stockton area, who once owned the Oakland franchise of the California based league. Moreing accessed the park from the Oakland Township for the specific reason of creating a strong outlaw baseball league in 1908. Cy was also a business man first and foremost, and knowing how to draw a crowd and make a buck, shared the space with the Oakland Giants, allowing African Americans to play on a field against the wishes of J. Cal Ewing of Pacific Coast League.

Grove St. Park-Cy Moreing-SFC-Mar. 12, 1912

San Francisco Call, March 12, 1912

Moreing knew best how to get under Ewing’s skin, and by letting African American baseball players on any field that was shared with a white teams was certainly the best way to get Ewing’s goat.

Cy Moreing-ii

Cy Moreing, Spalding’s Official Base Ball Guide -1907, pg. 227

 


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Left to Right: Top Row: A. Thomas, unknown, N. “Tick” Houston, Herb Clarke, Nelson Watson (manager), Chet Bost, Richardson, unknown, B. Martin.
Bottom Row: Hillary “Bullet” Meaddows, White.

 

The Freeeman-Hilary Meaddows 5-25-1912

The Freeman, May 25, 1912

The Oakland Giants were owned and managed by Nelson Watson, born in Salina, Kansas in 1882. Growing up in the town where Lee Jeans had opened their first factory, young Nelson was probably a keen observer of industry, and eventually moved West to seek his fortune in West Oakland. He worked in a barbershop as a porter in Swan’s Market, and eventually became a Ships’ Carpenter’s helper on Mare Island, which was known as the first base of operations protecting commerce of the United States, building the earliest model submarines for the United States Navy, and also the Navy’s very first Aircraft Carrier. His leadership was instrumental in building a winning team.

Nelson Watson

 

 

The Giants, better known as the Oakland Giants are making quite a record  this season, having lost only one game out of the nine played. The club is composed of several high class ball players who rank the best on the coast.

Clarke, captain of the club, has carefully gotten together and drilled the team to play a nice article of ball, and with himself and such god[sic] men as Bost, Martin, and Houston, he has an infield which is very hard to beat.

Chet Bost, his fast shortstop, is a valuable man to the club as he has had league experience, having played short for the Occidentals of the Utah State league last season. He is one of the club’s heavy hitters and the speediest base-runners, as he is hitting 320.” -The Oakland Tribune, June 27, 1912

Some of the other team members pictured, like B. Martin played on the Elmhurst team, in the Oakland City winter league. “Tick” Houston played on a integrated team in Fruitvale called the Oakwoods the season before joining the Oakland Giants. And a very young Hillary “Bullet” Meaddows pitched as well as caught for the Oakland Giants, and this is where his three decade career in baseball really began. Most of the cities that the Oakland Giants played in would have been considered “sundown town”, and traveling these out-of-the-way distances by car, train, or ferry to and from places like Watsonville, Petaluma, Mill Valley or Burlingame would have been an added adventure along the California Coast on El Camino Real, internally along “State Route” Hwy 99, or across the San Francisco Bay by boat or ferry.

The “State Highways Act” was passed, taking effect on December 31, 1910, so most of the roads being constructed at that time were fairly new, or old very old toll roads that were made of  dirt and at best had gravel in some places — and the towns along the way were rural and small. Oakland was a major city compared to a lot of agricultural towns that the Oakland Giants played against in 1912, and seeing African Americans men play baseball was a ‘novelty’, especially when their baseball skill sets were above average. The Oakland Giants travels were reminiscent of Bingo Long Traveling All-Stars & Motor Kings, because this was California still in its youth, where the King’s Highway went from one mission town to the next.

 

What the city of Oakland looked like…

Oakland Rug Works 1910

1896_recommended_state_highway_system_for_California

….was not what the California road system looked like in 1912.

California road in May 1910

This type of road travel was ‘pre Green Book’ era by two plus decades, and the Oakland Giants stepped far away from the safety of West Oakland to play baseball is towns that were considered a great distance from their home base. The 1912 season was referred to as the “Bumper Crop of Alfalfa Baseball” for the bush league teams of the San Francisco Bay Area and outlying regions from Watsonville to Bakersfield.

In 1910, Oakland had a population of 150,174, and an African American population of just a little over 3,000, coming in only second to Los Angeles. Oakland was filled with immigrants, fleeing starvation in Europe, made up of mostly foreign born men, Alameda County and the surrounding area was virtually a paradise for anyone who had agricultural skills, or just someone seeking an opportunity in the industrial sector. Jack London’s “Valley Of The Moon” best explains the struggles between the newly arriving immigrants and native-born peoples of the Bay Area, who were constantly competing in the job market, and the everyday struggles they endured in this very diverse landscape called Oakland.

Baseball was an escape from those daily struggles. and teams like the Oakland Giants filled the absence of the defunct California State League of 1910, and kept the game of baseball afoot.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Options in Elmhurst: Echoes of the Past

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Elmhurst Team of 1911 — Oakland City Winter League 

(Left to Right: back row: (?) Adams; Center Field – -Eddie Jackson; Catcher — Chet Bost; Right Field — Alexander Benjamin “Pop” Arlett; Pitcher — C.J. Toffelmier; 2nd Base — (?) Arlie; Shortstop — B. Martin 1st Base — Front row: (?) Christensen; 2nd Base — Russ “Buzz” Arlett; mascot — (?) Adaming; 3rd Base. 
NOTE: The (?) represents missing the first name of the player

Elmhurst was once an all white neighborhood.

The year is 1911, and it is the second year of the Central California League, which is now comprised of eight teams totaling sixty players, under the watchful eye of Judge Edward P. Shortfall of the San Francisco 3rd District Police Court, who is President of the burgeoning minor league, that almost no one has ever heard about.  His ever faithful Secretary of he league, J.C. Toffelmier, also plays 2nd base for the Elmhurst Tildens, who were originally called the Elmhurst Incubators from the inception of the league in 1910.

These eight teams that stretched geographically from Vallejo to Hayward and consisted of: the Alameda Alerts, the Berkeley Clarions, the Elmhurst Tildens, the Fruitvale Travelers, the Hayward Cubs, the Richmond Merchants, the San Leandro Cherry Pickers, and the Vallejo Pastimes, and this minor league was registered as one of the many leagues in the 1911 National Association of Professional Baseball Teams.

By the end of the season, only six teams were still in working order, and the Elmhurst Tildens was not one of them. Their star pitcher, Alexander Benjamin “Pop” Arlett was playing for teams outside of the league, whenever he could, and he eventually ended the season as the lead pitcher for the San Leandro Cherry Pickers. “Pop” Arlett would spend many years in PCL  minor leagues, pitching for various teams.  He was a big ticket draw for an amateur in those days, and his baby brother Russell “Buzz” Arlett would one day become known as the Babe Ruth of the Minor Leagues, before moving up to the big leagues and playing for the Philadelphia Phillies.

Pop Arlett -PCl

1917 Zeenut — Alexander Benjamin “Pop” Arlett

Arlett Buzz-1925-ii

1925 Zeenut — Russ “Buzz” Arlett

That is only one half of the story being told. The other half is the Oakland City League winter baseball team that was fronted by “Pop” Arlett and J.C. Tofflemier, which was a fully integrated baseball team on the West Coast in 1911, and had made a name for itself throughout the Bay Area. Charles. R. Fulweiler, reporter for the San Francisco Bulletin, which was one of the oldest newspapers in the Bay Area originally founded as the Daily Evening Bulletin by James King of William, was President of the Oakland City League.

Eddie Jackson was one of “Pop” Arlett’s favorite battery mates. They played  together on the Elmhurst Tildens in the Central California League on many occasions, which by all accounts is one of earliest record of a integrated pitcher-catcher duo on the West Coast, during  an era known as the Second Coming of the Klan.  A new wave of white supremacy was destined to take hold between 1910 on through 1920 all over America, creating sundown towns where their previous existence was unheard of, and that would divide many burgeoning communities into fully segregated cities where definitive color lines would be drawn.

Jackson was a very fair skinned African American, and was considered a ‘mulatto”, according to 1910 U.S. Census Records. Born in New York City in 1887, As a young man, he had moved West to find his fortune, and was gainfully employed and a telegraph operator for Pacific Telephone and Telegraph Co. He lived in the all white neighborhood between the Bushrod and Longfellow areas on Market Street.  Eddie was a single father, raising a one-year old son in 1911, which was not an uncommon occurrence in America during this period, but more than likely, a very difficult task to accomplish. Eddie Jackson also played ball with “Pop” Arlett, J.C. Tofflemier, Christensen, Adaming and Buzz Arlett on the 1916 San Leandro Western Jewelers semi-pro club, where he was also the only African American on this East Bay area team.

Eddie Jackson-1911 San Leando-Western Jewelers-II

1916 San Leandro Western Jewelers

Left to Right  Top Row: J.C. Toffelmier, Christensen, unknown, “Pop” Arlett, “Buzz”Arlett, Eddie Jackson, unknown mascot
Bottom Row: Unknown, unknown, Adaming

Jackson is probably best known to historians as the battery mate for Jimmy Claxton, when he played for the all-star Shasta Limiteds in 1919.

Shasta Giants 1919-20

1919 Shasta Limiteds

TEAM MEMBERS (as per the June 26, 1919 Oakland Tribune) ARE AS FOLLOWS:
Left to Right Top Row: Owner Tod Graham, Jimmy Claxton, “Tick” Houston, Goldie Davis, Carlisle Perry, Gene Cooper, Chet Bost, and the Trainer Green
Left to Right Bottom Row: (?) Fisher, Eddie Jackson, “Bullet” Hilary Meadows, Billy Woods, (?) Brown, and (?) and Vaughns  NOTE: The (?) represents missing the first name of the player

Not much is known about B. Martin, except that he was one of the most outstanding First Basemen that the Bay Area had to offer. Finding him playing on a integrated team speaks highly of his skills, because he was better known for playing on the 1912 Oakland Giants, an all African American team that was known for its speed, ball handling, and showmanship, under the management of Neslon Watson. The Oakland Giants hosted such players as Hillary “Bullet” Meaddows, Chet Bost, “Tick” Houston. Also, all of these men played on the 1919 Shasta Limiteds and the 1923 Pierce Giants of Oakland. Meaddows did a short stint with the Alexander Giants of Los Angeles, and  Bost was a former shortstop for the Salt Lake Occidentals of Utah, a team fronted by Frank Black, that fielded many great players in its heyday.

Chet Bost was the West Coast Linchpin slash player, slash manager, slash coach, slash baseball confidante, when it came to the six degrees of separation connecting any number of African American baseball players, semi pro to professional, on the West Coast and beyond. From Dead Ball Era to the creation of the Negro Leagues, Bost more than likely played a significant role in breaking new boundaries while keeping many doors open for greatness to blossom in areas yet to be explored.

By the 1920’s, race and separation of the races were deeply embedded in the West Coast as well as the rest of the nation, and it dominated all aspects and walks of life on a daily basis, unlike the early burgeoning era when life was simple in the California bushes. African American baseball during the dead ball era holds a host of twist and turns and unexplored concepts and ideas about how we got to where we are today, and how far we’ve come as a nation when if comes to the National Pastime. “Buzz” Arlett and his older brother “Pop”, grew up playing baseball, and they played the game with great African American baseball players.

Elmhurst-East Oakland 1896 map-ii

Elmhurst was once an all white neighborhood.

Today Elmhurst is East Oakland.

The Fort Douglas Browns – History of the Men of the 24th Infantry Regiment – Part 4

 

 

The early months of 1899 would bring many changes to the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment. The yellow fever which took hold of them in ’98 dealt a definitive blow to their heath and their standing as “Regulars’ in the United States Army. Between the months of January and March, a force reductions of the 24th Infantry Regiment would follow, relocations of certain companies would take place, and the incursion into the Philippines were part of changes that would remove the 24th Infantry Regiment from their ‘good station’ in Salt Lake, Utah.

 

It is Stated that the Regiment is to be Taken to the Presidio, and Later to the Philippines.

Another rumor as to the probable movement of the Twenty-fourth infantry has reached Fort Douglas. It is now said that preparations are being made at the Presidio of San Francisco for the reception of eight regiments of soldiers. These troops are to be stationed at the Presidio awaiting orders to sail for Manila. The rumor has it that the Twenty-fourth infantry will be one of the eight regiments to go to the Presidio and from there to Manila.

It is not a very bright outlook for the regiment, but such is life in the army. The officers are living in a half-settled state, as they do not care to go to the trouble or expense of fixing up their quarters for short time and then have to tear them all up and go to the Philippines or elsewhere. At present nothing definite is known, but most of the officers feel certain that it is only a question of time before they leave for San Francisco, en route to Manila.” — Salt Lake Tribune, January 13, 1899

 

Recruits of the Regiment to be Discharged.

Within the next ten days between 500 and 600 men of the Twenty-fourth infantry are to be discharged from the service. This will reduce for a while the garrison at Fort Douglas to 300 men, at that at Fort Russell, Wyo., to about 180 men, while the cantonment at Camp Pilot Butte, Wyo., where company K is at present stationed, will be left with a garrison of about sixty men.

RATE OF DISCHARGE

The men will be discharged at the rate of about ten a day from each company until all are out. Maj. Birmingham and his assistants at the hospital will examine every man closely as to his physical condition.

Maj. Thompson said last night said that the regiment will be re-recruited up to its full strength at once. The order now standing is to keep its strength up, and recruit will be brought on speedily.

The order that came Tuesday night also relates to the Ninth cavalry, the colored regiment, part of which was formerly stationed at Fort Duchesne.” — Salt Lake Tribune, January, 26, 1899

 

By the next day, one hundred and fifty of the three hundred recruits that had been ordered discharged from the 24th Infantry Regiment, and were mustered out of service, on placed on trains heading East. [32]

 

With $45,000 being allotted by the War Department, each solider discharged from the 24th received $75 a piece for traveling expenses. The amount spent on that single day was half of the total amount allotted. This allotment, pursuant to paragraph two of General Order no. 40, only applied to recruits who had enlisted in the regiment between April 22 and October 26, of 1896. The men of the Fort Douglas Browns were not subject to the General Order no. 40, but based on their physical condition after volunteering for the yellow fever hospital at Siboney and contracting the deadly contagion, they were more than likely subject to discharged for health reasons.

 

In February, land and naval forces would be increased in the Philippines, and the men of the 24th Infantry Regiments, stationed at Fort Douglas, Utah and  Fort Russell, Wyoming would be part of the “Regular’ troops undertaking the assignment.[33]

 

In early March, the transfer orders for the 24th had finally arrived at Fort Douglas, which called for a further dividing of regimental strength. Moving four companies, one from Fort Douglas and three from Fort Russell, immediately to Honolulu, as reinforcements in route to Manila. These orders were immediately cancelled, and only three companies were relocated to other areas of the United States. Company B, under the command of Captain Henry Wygant, would be relocated to the Vancouver barracks, in the state of Washington. Company D, under the command of Capt. Arthur D. Ducat, would be headed to Fort Harrison, in Montana. Company K, would be slotted for relocation to Fort Assinniboine, in Wyoming. Company M, a junior company in absence of a captain, were to relocate to Fort Spokane. The under lying message in all of this, would be that Fort Douglas would no longer be the home of the 24th infantry Regiment.

 

Sgt. Mack Stanfield, of Company B, former manager of the Browns, would be one of the men relocating to the Vancouver barracks in Washington. In the mean time, while still on post at Fort Douglas, Sgt. Stanfield was organizing a baseball team that he would name, the “Santiagos”. He felt that as soon as the ground had dried sufficiently, that the men of Fort Douglas should again try their hands at the game of baseball, to keep them active, and use their recreational time doing something productive. [34]

 

In late March, the local citizens of Salt Lake began to promote the upcoming baseball season, mixing politics and religion with the sport of baseball once again. It was noted, that Sunday baseball games were no longer acceptable, and only games played on Saturday afternoon would be allowed. The Y.M.C.A.’s, the Oregon Short Line, the R.G.W.’s (Rio Grande Westerns), and the Salt Lakes were teams that put in their bids for the scheduled season. [35]

 

Local Admirers of the National Game Making Ready.

The Elks of last year’s fame have given no signs of activity as yet. It is quite likely that the team will again be in the field this season. Whether the Browns at Fort Douglas will be able to support a team, weakened and split up as their strong aggregation of two years ago has been by war and division of the regiment, is uncertain. Several companies of the regiment are certain to remain here, but it is not likely that they can get any team which will be so successful as that of ’97.” — Salt Lake Herald, March 21, 1899

 

Simon Bamberger, manager of the Oregon Short Line railroad company would also be the manager of the Oregon Short Line baseball nine, and his nephew Joseph Bamberger would manage the Salt Lakes; together they would also invest a huge sum on money building a resort called the “Lagoon”, which would included a new baseball diamond. By all accounts, this would be the beginning of baseball no longer being played of the Fort Douglas grounds, by the civilian population or soldiers. Simon Bamberger’s financial motivations in trying to create a baseball monopoly that would only stage games at his resort, would do a tremendous detriment to the baseball season in the city of Salt Lake, and other surrounding cities, in the year of 1899. His plan was to get Fort Douglas shut down, as far as baseball was concerned, forcing people to travel to see baseball games at the Lagoon. The men of the 24th Infantry Regiment had larger concerns.

 

GOING TO SAN FRANCISCO AND ALCATRAZ

Headquarters and Three Companies to be at the Presidio–No New Smallpox Cases

An order was received at Fort Douglas yesterday giving the destination of the companies assigned to the Department of California. Headquarters and three companies will go ti the Presidio, and one company will be stationed at Alcatraz barracks. this was pleasant news for the officers and men connected with the regimental headquarters, for the Presidio is considered one of the most delightful stations. San Francisco is to be congratulated upon the acquisition of the band of the Twenty-fourth, the loss of which will be keenly felt here.” — Salt Lake Tribune, March 21, 1899

 

The summer season of baseball in Utah was affected by the reactivation of a ‘Blue Law’ during the Spring of 1899, that was written and adopted in 1881. It was a law that had been dragged out of moth balls to enforce the ruling of certain city councils in the Salt Lake area, that baseball should not be played within the city limits, as it was an immoral institution. Baseball players feared being arrested for playing within the city limits which they had done for many years, and contracts signed by traveling teams from out of state which were legal and ironclad, were subject to large cash forfeitures should the games not take place on the contractual dates, which included Sunday baseball games. In April, four more companies of the 24th infantry Regiment would head for the train depot late at night, loading up their gear and make their way to San Francisco, en route for their final destination, Manila in the Philippine Islands. [36]

 

NO MORE SUNDAY BASEBALL

The provision under which the police department will act is section 25 of title X, entitled crimes and punishments as follows:

“Any person who shall be convicted of skating, ball playing, hunting, fishing or any other kind of sporting, or who shall keep open bar, shop, store, or any other business or amusement or unnecessary business or labor, or who shall barter, sell or give away any spirituous, vinous, or fermented liquors, except for medicinal purposes, within city limits, on the first day of the week, commonly called Sunday, shall be liable to a fine in any sum not exceeding one hundred dollars.”

This ordinance became law June 27, 1881, over a decade an a half ago, when Ogden was a village and hardly seemed applicable to the city as Ogden city is today.” — Ogden Standard, May 18, 1899

 

Jackson, former catcher for the Fort Douglas Browns, played one final game at Fort Douglas, with a squad of nine who were not any good at playing the game of baseball at all. They were so awful, they were taken to task by a high school squad in their final game. It was probably based on their lack interest, as the regiment was in the final stages of being removed from the base. [37]

 

Armstrong had signed on to play with Henderson’s Whirlwinds, as he was an employee of the company, and that was the main requirements to be a part of the team. Jackson would play for the Y.M.C.A.’s that year, even though most of their games would be scheduled on Wednesdays and Saturdays, because of Sunday baseball coming under heavy scrutiny across the nation by members of Christian communities.

 

Fort Douglas was the only place near Salt Lake that had yet to enforce the Blue Law Sunday ban against playing baseball close to city limits, and because it was a military installation and did not fall under city ordinances purview. That would eventually change. A letter written by Simon Bamberger to General Merriman in Colorado, would ensure that baseball would never take place again on the Fort Douglas grounds. Bamberger’s three-pronged attack on preventing baseball from taking place at Fort Douglas included: using a group of four men who jumped from team to team; starting fights and encourage gambling and drinking at games in the cities that applied the letter of the Blue Law, including games on the Fort Douglas grounds; aligning himself with the sabbath movement of the Salt Lake area to prevent Sunday baseball from taking place in city limits, trying his best to force high attendance games to be played only at the Lagoon.

 

On June 13, 1899, the final orders for remainder of those stationed at Fort Douglas, the last 126 men of the 24th Infantry Regiment, to make final preparations to leave for San Francisco. They would be relieved by the Ninth Cavalry from Fort Duschesne. [38]

 

After the departure of the 24th Infantry Regiment from Fort Douglas, Simon Bamberger made certain that the Fort Douglas Brown’s legacy of playing baseball, drawing an average of over 1,000 spectators for every game the played during the season of 1897, would become nothing more than a faint memory in the hearts and minds of the people who had the opportunity to witness their prowess on the Fort Douglas diamond. After getting the U.S. government to shut the Fort Douglas field to civilian ball games, he made a deal with the government to buy the grand stand and fencing, having all of it dismantled, then had it shipped out to the Lagoon so it could be made into car sheds. [39]

 

Simon Bamberger Puts a Stop to It.

HIS PROTEST TO MERRIMAN

Simon Bamberger, proprietor of the Lagoon, does not favor the occupation of Government property by civilians. He also loos with especial disfavor upon the use of Government realty for the purpose of Sunday ball games. In fact, Mr. Bambergeer is opposed to Sunday ball–in Salt Lake county.

Ball is, of course, is played on Sunday at the Lagoon, but the Lagoon is in Davis county, and Davis county–well, that is different, that is all.

Whenever there has been a ball game at the Fort Douglas grounds, Mr. Bamberger hs groaned in spirit; first because a military reservation was being trodden under the foot of civilian baseball fiends, and second because the Sabbath was being violated by the players.

Finally, Mr. Bamberger hit upon a shrewd scheme by which to put a stop to the Sabbath desecration at the Fort grounds. He wrote a letter to Gen. Merriman at Dever protesting against the use of Government property by civilians for ball playing.

WORKED LIKE A CHARM

Gen. Merriman thought so too, and at once directed a communication to the commander at Fort Douglas, in which he ordered that no ball games be played upon the Fort Douglas grounds, except between soldiers and civilians,. He also ordered that no admission fee be charged. These orders brought Sunday games at the Fort to an abrupt termination.

Mr. Bamberger then magnanimously offered to purchase the lumber which has been used in fencing the grounds and constructing the stands. His offer was accepted and the grounds were dismantled.

SAVED SOLDIERS FROM LOSS

Had it not been for Mr. Bamberger’s generous offer the soldiers who assisted in purchasing lumber for the grounds would have lost money.

This in brief is the history of the rise and fall of Sunday ball playing at the Fort.” — Salt Lake Tribune, June 28, 1899

 

The act of closing the Fort Douglas field to civilian teams, had an overreaching effect that Bramberger didn’t count on. It effectively killed the 1899 baseball season, not only in the Salt Lake area, but also at the Lagoon, and other areas far outside of the city limits of Salt Lake. With no field to play on, the expense of traveling to the Lagoon to play ball or see games played, was out of the financial reach of most of the citizenry.  Bamberger’s baseball teams, one after another, were disbanded, simply for the fact that he could not maintain their salary compensation, based on the lack of drawing crowds to the Lagoon. Another factor, in the demise of baseball at the Lagoon was the reputation of fights that took place on the field when teams played at the Lagoon. Citizens did not want to squander the hard earned money to watch a game stopped because of a fight, or a fight that took precedence over a scheduled game of baseball.

 

Early Demise Of What Seemed A Successful Season.

The baseball season has seemed to have come to an untimely end in Salt Lake, and the faithful fans will have to hie to Ogden or some of the other surrounding towns if they wish to see any more ball games this summer.

It is rather unfortunate that this should be the case right in the middle of the summer, with three months and more of good baseball weather still coming. But for weeks past the baseball fever has been on the wane. During the period when the city was minus a ball field interest in the national game took a decided drop. The fans found it too much trouble to got out to the Lagoon for every game, and so they stayed home. —  Salt Lake Herald, July 30, 1899

 

 

The Fort Douglas Brows were not spoken of for many years after 1899. Baseball made a comeback in 1900, with the Inter-mountain being hosted at the Lagoon in 1901. There were other African American teams that played in Utah in 1897. The Salt Lake Monarchs was one of them. But the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment, the men of the Fort Douglas Browns would always be fondly remembered by those who had the opportunity to see them play the game of baseball. They had integrated baseball in Utah for a short, but meaningful period in 1897.

 

When Col. Abner Doubleday, one of the commanding officer’s of Fort McKavett, Texas, made a requested to General E.D. Townsend, Adjutant General of the U.S. Army for, “permission to purchase…baseball implements for the amusement of the men and a Magic Lantern for the same purpose.“, in June of 1871, one can only speculate what his intentions were when it came to teaching the game of baseball to the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment. The Fort Douglas Browns took the skills they had learned about the game of baseball, practiced them for close to a thirty year period and played against civilian teams far and wide, and applied their skills with diligence and sportsman like effort in 1897.

 

Of those that lived through the charge up San Juan hill, their recorded histories are scattered, and almost nonexistent. Those who survived moved on with their lives, only looking forward.

 

Sgt. Thomas W. “Capt” Countee left Fort Douglas and was transferred to the Presidio, where he is buried, along with other Buffalo Soldiers from that period. He drowned on August 21, 1899, during a reconnaissance mission while crossing the San Mateo river in the Philippines, along with eight other men from company G of the 24th Infantry Regiment.

 

Sgt. Mack Stanfiled was transferred to the Vancouver barrack, in Washington state, along with company B of the 24th Infantry Regiment. There are no details of him ever getting together a team called the ‘Santiagos’, but rumor has it that he did front for a team called the “Hard Hitters”, who sometimes went by the name “Brownies”, that played in 1899 and 1900. Sgt. Stanfiled retired and mover to Portland, Oregon, having survived the Battle of San Juan hill.

 

Walter H. Loving, known as “the Professor”, rose through the ranks from a Corporal to become of the the U.S. military’s first commissioned officers. Loving never made the climb up San Juan hill. He was discharged in Tampa, in June of 1898, but reenlisted in the 48th U.S.V.I. and continued his military career. After many long years, he achieved the rank of Major and was finally assigned to Military Intelligence during World War I, where he published many articles on the African American soldier, and the influences the military had on them when it came to racism on the battlefield and their treatment in America after returning home from war to face Jim Crow. He was also noted as chief musician and the first musical director who developed the Philippine Constabulary Band. He was killed in the Philippines during the Battle of Manila in 1945, under unknown circumstance.

 

 

Sgt. Thomas Countee headstone

 

End: Part IV

Part I    Part II    Part III

 

[32] Salt Lake Herald, January 27, 1899

[33] Salt Lake Herald, February 7, 1899

[34] Salt Lake Tribune, March 9, 1899

[35] Salt Lake Herald, March 21, 1899

[36] Ogden Standard, April 5, 1899

[37] Salt Lake Herald, May 22, 1899

[38] Salt Lake Tribune, June 14, 1899

[39] Salt Lake Herald, June 28, 1899

 

 

The Fort Douglas Browns – History of the Men of the 24th Infantry Regiment – Part 3

 

 

In 1898, the Fort Douglas Brows season would face a turn of events that would challenge any baseball team worth their salt. The men themselves were ready to play. With the  field being rehabilitated and grass now on the diamond, the grand stand was also refurbished and repaired by the men who endeared themselves to the recreational time of playing baseball, whenever it was allowed by their commanders. With these crucial things taken care of, the 1898 Browns were ready to play ball this season against any team that came their way. Practices along with military drills were a constant source of their daily undertakings. They enjoyed their new home in Utah. Once the brisk winter months had broken into spring, and the weather became clear and warm, it would be time for the Browns to take up the bat and ball.

 

In early February of 1898, Private Augustus J. Reid, of Company D, who began his stint with the Browns as their second baseman, accepted his discharge from the 24th Infantry Regiment, re-enlisted, and put in for a transfer to the 25th Infantry Regiment, where he would be stationed at Fort Missoula, Montana. [15]

 

By mid February, the sinking of U.S.S. Maine took place in Havana harbor, sealing the fate of the final decision on whether the United States should proceed forward and fully engage in a war against the far reaching Spanish Empire and all its interest. Cuba, one of Spain’s colonies, along with the Philippines, Guam, and Puerto Rico were the ‘interest’ that would be scheduled for such a conflict. It would be a short, quick war, that lasted only three months, three weeks, and two days, but the devastation it produced lingered for many years after it was initiated. President McKinley tried his best to avoid war at all cost, but the Democratic Party and Populist Party held sway over the people of the nation, and public opinion polls preferred U.S. expansionism over Spanish Imperialism. The sinking of the Maine made ‘avoidance’ of all out total war with Spain a moot point.

 

There was still talk of baseball among the citizens of Salt Lake, and it was on the minds of one and all, except for the Fort Douglas Browns after the sinking of the Maine. There were never reasons for the Browns to suspect that there would be a ’98 baseball season, because a soldiers job was to be a soldier first and foremost. That’s what they were trained for, and the men of the 24th infantry Regiment had spent may years going wherever their duty called them. Still, certain business men of the Salt Lake area looked forward to adding the Browns to a newly proposed state league, seeing future dollars roll in from this highly endorsed venture, and the Browns would be a big money draw, as they were now a part of the Salt Lake community.

 

Activities at Fort Douglas began to reflect less recreational activity and an increase in military training than had ever been seen before. The seat of war would be in Cuba and the rumblings of the U.S. Congress were made clear to one and all, that a special ‘type of soldier’ would be required to fight and win such a conflict. One that Congress felt was immune to tropical diseases, like ‘Yellow Jack’. Yellow Fever was a greater adversary than the actual enemy a soldier would face in combat. Yet, it was determined by a general consensus of political powers in Washington D.C., that men of a certain heritage who derived from a certain areas of the United States, possessed a better chance of survival against this deadly disease. No proof was ever offered that said immunity based on one’s race could prevent the contraction of this disease, but this theory was strongly believed to be the case in the choosing of regiments of Army ‘Regulars’ scheduled to leave for Cuba.

 

State League Now in Process of Organization.

That Salt Lake will see an unusually good season of baseball this year, seems evident from the great interest which is already manifested in the national game. A baseball league, which will include teams from Fort Douglas, Tintic, Ogden, and Salt Lake is already in process of organization. This league will play a regular schedule of Saturday and Sunday games throughout the season, from May to October, and at the close of the season, a pennant will be awarded to the leaders in the race.

FORT DOUGLAS WEAKENED

The Fort Douglas will lose several of its best players. Reid has accepted his discharge from the Twenty-fourth infantry and has re-enlisted in the Twenty-fifth infantry, stationed at Fort Missoula, Montana. Jackson has likewise received his discharge, but is still in the city, and may be depended upon to play ball with some team during the season. Armstrong will also be missed from the ranks of the Browns. But Capt. Loving has secured some good new material to fill the vacancies. Two new pitchers, Harris and Ray, will be available, and both are experienced men.” — Salt Lake Tribune, March 6, 1898

 

Claim that Colored Soldiers Could Do Better Service than White Men.

It is acknowledged by men of experience in southern climates that white men from cool regions of northern states would fare badly in the treacherous climate of Cuba. colored troops are pointed out as the best soldiers to stand the strain, and it is freely prophesied that the four colored regiments of the regular army would be given ample opportunity to win glory if the war breaks out. Those regiments are the Ninth and Tenth cavalry and the Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifth infantry. — Deseret Evening News, March 15, 1898

 

As mid March approached, it would be certain that the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment would once again be given new marching orders to go to war. With only a single month’s preparation time, the Fort Douglas Browns would prepared for battle in a foreign land, while at the same time, practiced for one final game in the city of Salt Lake.

 

Col. J.F. Kent was their commander, would be given the rank of Brigadier General once he reached Cuba, and total control of the 1st Division in V Corps, in which the 24th Infantry Regiment would be attached. Kent would take command of the Sixteenth, Sixth, Second, Tenth, Twenty-first, Ninth, Thirteenth, and Twenty-fourth U.S. Infantry Regiments, along with the Seventy-first New York Volunteers.

 

“The long expected orders for the Twenty-fourth infantry to march have at last been received. Yesterday evening about 7:45 a telegram was received by Colonel Kent at Fort Douglas notifying him that the regiment would be ordered out either Sunday night or Monday morning. The point to which the regiment will go is not officially known, as the dispatch did not state, but it is understood they will go to New Orleans. There was some little excitement at the post over the orders, but as all the preparations are made, there was little going on at the post. The dispatch which came yesterday evening stated that later order would be sent.

THE CAMPAIGN

In speaking in plans of campaign one of the officers of the Twenty-forth stated yesterday that it was a shame that the army reorganization bill did not pass, and when the army is sent into action the United States will see the mistake. It will be almost impossible to mobilize an army of over 12,000 men from the regular army force, and if the regular army is alone to invade Cuba they will have their hands full. According to the statements of this officer the campaign in Cuba will be a disastrous affair unless it is terminated quickly. In a short time from now the climatic conditions of the island will be such as will cause most of the men to die from fever, and the only hope for them is to fight at once and get out of the country as soon as possible.” — Salt Lake Herald, April 16, 1898

 

In their final game, before departing Salt Lake, the Browns took on a newly formed minor team called the Salt Lake Colts. Defeating them by a score of 16 to 14, it would be the last game the Fort Douglas Browns would play for a while. [16]

 

Two days later, the Salt Lake crowds would line the streets in anticipation of watching their brave fighting men, the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment, depart their fair city and in hopes that they would fight victoriously in Cuba and return home safely. There were no detractors among them, as large crowds gathered from near and far at this public event. Heartfelt and saddened by the leaving of the men they had once opposed living in their city, the people of Salt Lake were noticeably disturbed and fraught with fear for the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment. Thousands turned out in Salt Lake City to see them off.

 

Twenty-fourth Leaves City Amid Great Enthusiasm.

STREETS LINED WITH PEOPLE

Flowers and Cheers and Flags and Tears

They dressed me up in scarlet red, and treated me so kindly; but still I thought my heart would break, for the girl I left behind me. — Old Song

Amid cheers from thousand of throats, with flags waving, bands playing and hundreds of children sending their fresh young voices out upon the breeze, the Twenty-fourth infantry marched to the depot yesterday and took the train for New Orleans.

It was a stirring scene, the march from the post to the station, and every foot of the road from the reservation to the Rio Grande was occupied by spectators. There wasn’t any school yesterday forenoon. That is, no school to speak of. A few teachers made an attempt to teach the youthful idea how to shoot, but the youthful idea was more interested in the sable faced shooters, who may be sighting rifles this day week.” — Salt Lake Herald, April 21, 1898

 

As the next few months past, very little was discussed about the men who had departed Fort Douglas headed to war; leaving by train first, and then by boat, eventually landing on the shores of Cuba. The most talked about subject across the nation was the recruitment of the 10,000 “Immunes”, and how their presence would affect the outcome of this war against Spain. The men of the 24th Infantry, by birth right, were considered part of the immune regiment strategy that the U.S. Army had developed and so dearly fought to prove that they could use to defeat of the Spanish Empire. The price of victory had laid a very heavy proposition at the feet of the 24th Infantry Regiment. African American soldiers had always been treated as suspects of cowardice in the face of battle. Cuba would be their testing ground as a fighting regiment; fighting and dying together for a cause greater than themselves.

 

On July 1, 1898, the battle of San Juan Heights also known as San Juan Hill began. History records a much different story involving Lt. Col. Teddy Roosevelt and the Rough Riders capturing the Spanish blockhouse at Loma de San Juan, but the battle to take the hill was executed by the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment. They fought this battle from the very beginning, pushing forward and never retreating, till San Juan Heights was secured, and suffering the highest casualty rate of any unit that fought the Spanish American War in Cuba. From this perspective, the battle of San Juan Hill was just the beginning of the deaths that the 24th Infantry Regiment would incur at the hands of the enemy.

 

The first reports of casualties that reached Salt Lake after a three day battle on the heights came from Senator Cannon from Washington D.C. He stated that no officers had been killed during the engagement at Santiago de Cuba, and no enlisted men of the 24th Infantry Regiment had been killed. The only reports out at the battle were that Lt. Col. Liscum, Capts. Brett, Ducat and Dodge had been wounded in the fierce battle to take the blockhouse.  The severity of their wounds was still unknown at this point. This first reports would be false, but it was spread throughout the Salt Lake area by newspapers and word of mouth. The deaths and number of wounded men that occurred, were highly understated. [17]

 

During the recapitulation of the killed and wounded, published on July 8, 1898,  General Shafter’s report told a story of complete carnage, brought on by the death hail of hot lead shot from the deadly accurate and legendary 1893 Spanish Mauser. The Spanish M93 outclassed any rifle in the American arsenal used in the war. It used smokeless powder cartridges, and had a longer range than the rifles issued to the American troops. It also used stripper clips for quick reloading, and its bullets flew on a flatter trajectory. American troops using their shorter ranged rifles would need to get within range of the blockhouse to take that hill. The M93’s use of the smokeless powder cartridges made it almost impossible to see where the enemy was firing from, so many of the troops were caught in deadly crossfires. The 1st Division in V Corps troops, commanded by Gen. Kent took the brunt of the battle and chalked up the most casualties at San Juan Hill. In his division alone, twelve officers and eighty-seven men were killed; thirty-six officers and five hundred and sixty-two men were wounded; and sixty-two men were missing in action. [18]

 

Of those men, under the command of Gen. Kent, the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment led by Lt. Col. E.H. Liscum,  two officer and eleven men were killed, six officers and sixty-eight men were wounded, and six men were missing in action. [19]

 

“We have previously given the testimony of a participant who says the 13th Infantry was the regiment that finally crowned the hill of San Juan and in order to perfectly fair we will add the testimony of another, who says it was the 24th Infantry! These personal notes are valuable and their discrepancies don not lessen their sincerity and interest. “The 24th Colored infantry,” he says, “led the charge, followed by the 13th, 16th, and part of the 71st. Who gave the order for to charge, never will get the credit for it, for he found his grave. Many will claim it, but the officer who cried “Follow me!” and the line he led were wiped out of existence. No General ever ordered it.” This was written by Dr. Winant of Syracuse, who was with the 71st N.Y. Vol. The “part” of that regiment referred to he gives as eleven men, who “broke away and we went up the hill under one of the most murderous fires imaginable, along with the Regulars. This tallies with Gen. Kent’s report. One writer says that about two hundred men of various commands reached the top of the hill in the first successful rush and that their names were taken down. We hope the list will be published and settle this interesting controversy.” [20]

 

Don’t you hear ’em, Colonel ? Don’t you hear our boys singing ‘Hallelujah, Happy Land’?”

The colonel had other thoughts, and he answered wearily: ” Hear what, my man ?”

“Why, don’t you hear our boys singing on the hill? Colonel, you give ’em the right steer, suah, and now they’s up there and singing to let you know it, suah, suah. I take my oath,Colonel. They ain’t no regiment in the army that can sing like that but the old Twenty-fourth.”

And both the darkies chuckled, and laughed to scorn any suggestion that they might be mistaken, and that perhaps, after all, the Twenty-fourth men were not upon the hill.

“They’s up there,Colonel,suah. Fac’, I can most see ’em now. You gave them the right steer, suah, and they wouldn’t have gone up if you hadn’t told ’em to.” [21]

 

 

“There has been much discussion as to which regiment first scaled the heights. It is pleasant to have to record that the men who have participated in it are the least decided in their statements, and are, it has seemed to me, always ready and willing to give the greater credit to regiments other than their own. It can not be disputed that General Hawkins directed the charge and inspired the men to what followed by his own great courage. There is no question among those who know, that young Ord led the charge that his general directed and that he was the first man on the height at San Juan. There is a great deal of uncertainty as to what happened afterward. My impression is, more from what I heard the evening of the fight than from what I saw, that the flag of the Sixteenth Infantry was the first of our flags to wave over San Juan Hill; that the men of the Thirteenth Infantry captured and hauled down the Spanish colors from the blockhouse; and that there we more men from the Twenty-fourth Infantry, the brave blacks, first on the ridge than any other regiment. But to my mind this is not the place not is there any basis for invidious comparison” [22]

 

That list of names was never published.

 

Only the names of the dead and wounded that ascended the San Juan Heights would be recorded for posterity. Validation of the 24th Infantry Regiment’s engagements and actual participation in the Battle of San Juan Hill would become erased from contemporary history, even though many events that taken place had been well documented. To their credit though, one major event that took place after the Battle of San Juan Hill that showed the 24th’s commitment as soldiers first, was their dedication to the sick, wounded, and dying troops who occupied the field hospital at Siboney. For two weeks, up till July 14, 1898, the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment had occupied wet trenches as part of the garrison protecting Loma de Santiago, before they were ordered to march to Siboney’s yellow fever field hospital traveling along the El Camino Real. It was a request by the hospital’s field commander for the 24th Infantry Regiment to perform guard duty in mid July as added protection. [23]

 

There were very few cases of the outbreak at the time of their arrival in mid July. No more than 14 men had contracted ‘Yellow Jack’. The number of cases would grow exponentially within less than a month’s time. This unseen enemy on Cuban soil would soon become nightmarish, and also responsible for the the bulk of casualties to American troops that took place once they reached this foreign land, or on their return from duty once back at home in the United States. The long lasting insidious results of yellow fever were carried home by many of the men who participated in the Spanish-American war.

 

On July 13, 1898, the town of Juraguacito was was set ablaze and laid to ashes by the troops stationed there, on the orders of Major Legaro of the Hospital Corps and the Army Health Authorities. He felt that that buildings, which were old and falling apart, were the cause of the yellow fever outbreak. Having no idea how yellow fever was spread, this act was done as a safety precaution in lieu of of any other options, because suspicious cases of yellow fever began showing up in healthy soldiers who had not contracted the disease up until mid July. Soldier had been warned not to drink the water unless it was boiled first and not to eat the fruits of Cuba unless they were was completely ripe. Fifty buildings were set on fire to remove all germs or any remnants of disease which could be transferred to the wounded soldiers who occupied the city of Juraguacito. [24]

 

When through the deep waters I call thee to go,

The rivers of woe shall not thee overflow;

For I will be with thee, thy troubles to bless,

And sanctify to thee thy deepest distress.

 

When through fiery trials thy pathways shall lie,

My grace, all sufficient, shall be thy supply;

The flame shall not hurt thee; I only design.

Thy dross to consume, and thy gold to refine.”

 

Leaving their trenches at Loma de San Juan at 5:30 PM, 15 officers and the remaining 465 men of the 24th Infantry Regiment could be heard singing as they marched toward Siboney. The march would be a nine mile trek beginning late in the day and stretching into the night, taking five hours through jungle trails with dense vegetation, thickets and streams, and sometimes over moonlit barren land. As they descended into the area of their new assignment, their deep, rich voices echoed in the valley along the King’s Road, and the song “How Firm A Foundation” could be heard in the far off  distance; resonating as far off as Pablado Sevilla, as the remaining men of the 24th Infantry Regiment approached the newly ‘tented’, yellow fever hospital. [25][26]

 

“The Twenty-fourth Infantry was ordered down to Siboney simply to do guard duty. When the regiment reached the yellow fever hospital it was found to be in deplorable condition. Men were dying there every hour for the lack of proper nursing. Major Markley, who had commanded the regiment since July 1st, when Col. Liscum was wounded, drew his regiment up in a line, and Dr. La Garde, in charge of the hospital, explained the needs of the suffering, at the same time clearly setting forth the danger to men who were not immune, of nursing and attending yellow fever patients. Major Markley then said that any man who wished to volunteer to nurse in the yellow fever hospital could step forward. The whole regiment stepped forward. Sixty men were selected from the volunteers to nurse, and within forty-eight hours forty-two of these brave fellows were down seriously ill with yellow or pernicious malarial fever. Again the regiment was drawn up in a line, and again Major Markley said that nurses were needed, and that any man that wished to do so could volunteer. After the object lesson which the men had received in the last few days of the danger from contagion to which they would be exposed, it was now unnecessary for Dr. La Garde to again warn the brave blacks of the terrible contagion. When the request for volunteers to replace those who had already fallen in performance of their dangerous and perfectly optional duty was made again, the regiment stepped forward as one man.

Of the officers and men who remained on duty during the forty days spent in Siboney, only twenty-four escaped without serious illness, and of this handful not a few succumbed to fevers on the voyage home and after their arrival at Montauk.

Some forty men have been discharged from the regiment, owing to disabilities resulting from sickness which began in the yellow fever hospital.” [27]

 

Eight other white regiments, when asked by their commanders, had refused the nursing assignment the 24th Infantry Regiment undertook. By July 30, 1897, there were 4,278 sick at Siboney; total fever cases 3,406; 696 new fever cases reported on that day. The fast spreading epidemic had proven that black soldiers were no more immune to yellow fever than white soldiers. The leaking of the “Round Robin” letter by a war correspondent of the Associated Press, that was written  by Lt. Col. Roosevelt to General Shafter on the issue of bringing the Army home added to concluding the war in Cuba, reached the American newspapers by August 4, 1897. The publication of this letter enraged and embarrassed President McKinley and his Administration. They considered court martial for every officer that signed it, as it was a breech of Army regulations and  military discipline. It had placed the entire yellow fever situation out in the open and in plain view of the American public. They demanded that all the troops should come home immediately, even though Roosevelt had stated in the ‘Round Robin’ letter, that the four regiments of  ‘Immune’ ‘Regulars’ should remain garrisoned in Cuba.

 

On August 26, 1898, after forty days of faithful nursing service under the most impossible conditions, the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment marched out of Siboney, debilitated and weakened at their core, caused by the infectious ‘Yellow Jack’ which had depleted them not only as soldiers, but as men. What was left of their regimental band played and they proudly flew their colors as the marched out of Siboney. Boarding the transport steamer Nueces for Camp Wikoff, Montauk, N.Y., of the 15 officers and 456 men that marched into Siboney, only 9 officers and 198 were able to march out. The ravages of yellow fever, typhoid, and pernicious malarial fever had taken its toll on the men of the 24th. They remained at Montauk for a minimum of three weeks in recovery before some of them were allowed to return to Fort Douglas, Utah.

 

Men like Pvt. James Richards, who was the star pitcher for the ’97 Fort Douglas Browns, met his fate at Siboney, dying on Aug. 21, 1898 of yellow fever. He won a certificate of merit for his time spent on the battlefield, in the signal corps, during the battle of Santiago. In 1890, he had served as a sergeant at Fort Huachuca before making a request to be transferred to the Presidio in San Francisco, to take a Signal Corps course in telegraphy and his transfer was denied. He was demoted to a private for making such a request. He received orders to report to regimental headquarters at Fort Bayard, New Mexico, where he was told he’d have plenty of opportunity to practice. [28][29]

 

Many of the other wounded men of the 24th, who were not infected by Yellow Jack, traveled back to Camp Wikoff on the hospital ship Olivette and then returned to Fort Douglas by train; such as Frank Hellems, who returned to Fort Douglas earlier to recover from his strange gun shot wound.

 

“Musician Frank Hellems of Company C, Twenty-fourth infantry, was a noncombatant, but he wanted to see what was going on. So crawled up to the fighting line and laid down flat on his face. There came along a bullet which entered just above his left shoulder and made a neat hole obliquely through the flesh of his back and came out just over his left hip. Musician Hellems jumped and yelled.”

Surgeons Say Captain Knox’s Curious Case Peculiar Wounds of Musician Frank Hellems.

Among the 274 wounded men whom the Olivette brought back to New York from the battlefields of Cuba are some of the most extraordinary cases of injury known in surgical history. When the war is over, it is probable that military and naval methods of warfare will not be the only things to have been revolutionized. There are indications that most, of the surgical axioms which relate to gunshot injuries will have to be revised. 5 of the men on the Olivette are almost shot to pieces. There are men who can show as many as eight bullet holes, and by all the traditions of surgery they ought to be dead. Instead they are alive and not over particularly uncomfortable. Men who were shot through the kidneys, liver or lungs are able to walk around.” [30]

 

“Corps. Thomas W. Countee, David Holden, who was seriously wounded in the battle of San Juan, and James M. Dickerson, Company F, Twenty-fourth infantry, have been promoted to sergeants.” — Salt Lake Tribune, August 26, 1897

 

The small number of troops which had remained stationed at Fort Douglas during the war tried to put together a baseball team, paving the way for the arrival of the rest of the regiment that would come home from Cuba, in hopes that they could return to playing ball once again. The way they once played, in front of the cheering crowds of thousands of Salt Lake fans who were filled with adoration for the men of Fort Douglas. Playing like the Browns of ’97. Playing against the best teams in the region, both near and far, as an effective, nearly unstoppable team. Yet, there were very few good men to chose from, to make a good team of those who had remained at the Fort Douglas post. Most of them were not trained in the sport by those who went off to war. Ten days after Frank Hellems arrived back at Fort Douglas on August 18th, he was one of the men that tried his best to play the sport again. Hellums was one of the early Fort Douglas Browns, who played at the beginning of the 1897 season.

 

Colored Player Go Down Before Short Line.

THE SCORE WAS  22 TO 6

RETURNED SOLDIERS PLAY

Hellums who returned from Santiago some ten days ago, played first for the Browns and put up a fair game for a man who has been dallying with a game where the balls shriek and whistle and the man who stops one them doesn’t care to play any longer. A fairly good crowd saw the contest.” — Salt Lake Tribune, August 29, 1898

 

“Harris was clearly out of condition and before the game was half over he became dispirited at the ragged support he was getting from the field and, as he said afterwards, “gave up trying”. The Short Lines played to win from the first inning. When the game was ended there were a good many disgusted soldiers at the fort who had hoped that the Browns would finish up better with their opponents. But the players themselves seemed to be in no wise discouraged.

“It was only a practice game,” said Catcher Jackson

“I haven’t played ball all summer,” said Harris, who has been spending the hot months pitching bullets at the Spaniards from the muzzle of a rifle. “We’ll get another chance at them and do better next time.”  — Salt Lake Herald, August 29, 1898

 

In early September, it was reported that the 24th would soon be coming home to Utah. Still, the Browns as a team, were not close to what they had been. They scheduled games, but most of them never came to fruition. The reason being, the talent just wasn’t there at the the fort and wouldn’t be returning any time soon.

 

PLAYED BASEBALL AT FORT DOUGLAS YESTERDAY

The Game Was a Poor One–Resulting In a Victory For the Short Line By A Score of 15 to 12.

There was a baseball game at the Fort Douglas grounds yesterday afternoon between the Oregon Short Line team and and another aggregation styling itself the Browns, taking on the name of the old Fort Douglas nine that made such an excellent record before the boys had to go to war, in order to draw a crowd. As a matter of fact very few of the original Browns’ team were there, and the new organization lacks a good deal of reaching the standard of the old nine.

Harris started in to pitch for the Browns, but gave up in the sixth inning, and Armstrong was substituted.  He did some good work, and considering the fact that the nine was made up of whatever material could be found among the colored population of the city, they gave him support. Had the Short Line boys played their usual game it would have been a one sided affair, decidedly so, but as it happened they didn’t and the score was pretty even.” — Salt Lake Herald, September, 12, 1898

 

The reporting of the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment who had left Fort Douglas to fight in Cuba and their heroic actions on the battlefield dominated the newspaper in the Utah region.

 

WORDS OF JUST PRAISE FOR THE REGIMENT

They Were the First on San Juan Hill–Duty at Fever Hospital–Proud to Return to Salt Lake.

Fort Douglas, Utah, Sept. 14.– Now that all the Fifth army corps has been removed from the malarial-loaded clime of Cuba, and some are now on their road to their proper stations, and others under orders, while others are awaiting orders, yet no one tires of reading and listening to the stories written and told by eyewitnesses of the great human struggle for the cause of humanity just ended between the United States and Spain. When the regular soldiers left their stations last spring, under orders to proceed to some Southern city or port, not one-tenth of the vast number realized what was before them. That war was declared they knew, that the United States would never seek peace they also knew, yet none of them, or very few, ever believed they would have to undergo what they have, and what many succumbed to.

When ordered to the front the regiment advanced as if on skirmish drill on the lower parade ground at the fort. And the charge on Fort San Juan was made with the same fervor as they charged upon that little hill just east of the baseball park. The falling of men on every side of them, and the apparent demoralization of the whole regiment directly in their front, neither served to demoralize or dishearten this regiment. There was nothing to encourage them to go onward, unless it was the prospect of death. Bullets as thick as hail, and falling just as fast around them, and coming, it seemed, from the rear as well as from the front and each flank, was the only encouragement they had to move to the front. Their gallant commander having fallen, yet they were not undismayed, but they kept going to the front and to victory. No thoughts of retreat ever entered the minds of theses men, and not a vestige of fear ever entered their hearts. After the fall of their , gallant commander, Lieut. Col. E.H. Liscum, now a Brigadier-General of volunteers, a feeling of revenge  seemed to inspire them to greater activity.

But this noble regiment did not stop with the surrender of Santiago. They were hardly dry from the dampness of the trenches when they were called upon to face the deadly yellow jack, which was many declared, worse than the Mauser bullets. Yet they faced it with the same degree of fearlessness and just as cheerfully. They were called upon, and they felt it their duty. They did do their duty there too, and acquitted themselves as nobly as they did on the charge and in the trenches. All night long on the night of July 15th, they plodded through mud, dew and dense tropical undergrowth to the yellow fever hospital, where they were to suffer everything but death. What the Twenty-fourth infantry has endured during this campaign is known only to them and the Almighty God.” — Salt Lake Tribune, September 16, 1898

 

Warnings issued to the people of Salt Lake about the impending return of the troops to Fort Douglas and Salt Lake area were also a major part of the daily news cycle. They were written to remind the citizens of what their favored sons, the 24th Infantry Regiment, had been through during their battles while fighting in Cuba. Stressing the high points that some of these men returning to Fort Douglas were not the same men who left Fort Douglas. Close to one-thousand men were assigned to return to Fort Douglas, after the closing of Camp Wikoff, and this decimated regiment would increase in numbers, but it was noted that Fort Douglas could not house that many troopers. Still, there would be many new faces to look upon. Most of those men who had left, would never return to their fair city, and that the citizens of Salt Lake City were warned in advance, that their favored sons were no longer coming home.

 

IT WAS MOST WELCOME NEWS AT THE FORT.

How the Heroic Fighters and Nurse will Appear When They Return–Personal Notes of Members.

Correspondence Tribune.] Ft. Douglas, Sept. 19–The welcome news was received at the post Sunday night that the gallant Twenty-fourth infantry was ordered to again take station at Fort Douglas. The news arrived just in time to offset an opinion which was fast gaining prevalence that the regiment would be ordered to some Southern station or that it would probably be sent back to Cuba for the winter.

There has been much speculation and uncertainty as to the disposition of the four colored regiments ever since war was declared, and it was no common thing to hear it said that the Ninth and Tenth cavalry and the Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifth infantry were left in Cuba for garrison duty and that they, with the immunes, would constitute an army of occupation. A good many went so far as to say that that was the plan of the War department, but it seems that those rumors were set afloat by those who were afraid that they would be left in Cuba, and they wanted to set their fear at rest by believing the four colored regiments were to be left.

When the regiment makes its appearance at the depot here in Salt Lake City the many friends of it will have to look at more than one face before they will recognize one of the faces that marched through the streets of the city so gallantly last spring.

There will be just as many, probably more, but they will be strangers. Of the five hundred and more men that went away there will scarcely be more than 200 hundred of that number in line. Many of them that are absent will never march again; they are sleeping beneath the sod of a foreign clime where they so bravely fell for their country and the cause of humanity.

As they march through the streets on their return, let every one bear in mind, that they are conquering heroes. Many more that will be absent, let it be remembered, are suffering from some dread disease, and from which they will never recover. And of those that will be present, many of them will yet succumb to some poisonous disease, which is slyly but surely sapping up their life’s blood.” — Salt Lake Tribune, September 20, 1898

 

Camp Wikoff, Montauk Point, N.Y.

“The Twenty-fourth infantry has had its orders changed, owing to the discovery that Fort Douglas, in Utah, is only a half-regiment post, and cannot accommodate the whole regiment. Therefore half the regiment will go, as originally ordered, and the other half will go to Fort Russell, Wyoming.

The hospital now contains 515 men. Many of these are beyond hope, and for two weeks, it is feared, there will be many deaths, mostly from typhoid fever.

The division hospital tents are being taken down and fumigated and then turned in. The hospitals are all now out of existence except the main one. There were two death today in the hospital.” — Salt Lake Herald, September 21, 1898

 

There would only be two games left to play at the end 1898 season for the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment. The new Fort Douglas Browns would play against the Oregon Short Line team shortly after the arrival of the 24th Infantry Regiment’s return to Fort Douglas from Camp Wikoff. These new Browns would take up the ball and bat against the Salt Lake Elks, a group of players formed from the former Park City Miners of 1897. The 24th Infantry Regiment pulled into the station on September 30th, but did not disembark their Pullman cars that evening. It had been a long trip home from New York, and the men slept in the train cars while the officers slept in their berths. A crowd of two hundred people gathered to see them as they pulled up to the depot, but they would not exit the train and march to Fort Douglas till the morning October 1, 1898. By 10:00 AM the next morning, 2,500 people had gathered, braving the cold weather, to welcome their heroes home from war; and as the crowd grew to 10,000 spectators within the next half hour, orders were given to leave the train and begin the long trip to Fort Douglas, where a banquet awaited the humble return to Salt Lake.[31]

 

On October 9, 1898, the Browns would lose to the Oregon Short Line nine, by a score of 18 to 2. Harris could no longer pitch, and was moved to third base, and Hellems continued his stay at first base. Their whole team was new and untested. They didn’t play together very well. Most of their star players of 1897 had died either in battle, or were ravaged by the yellow fever they contracted during their stay in Siboney.

 

SHORT LINES HAVE EASY PREY IN THE BROWNS.

Score 18 to 2, a Very One-sided Showing–The Browns Lacked Practice, But gave Evidence of Ability.

The baseball game at Fort Douglas grounds yesterday afternoon between the Oregon Short Line team and the Browns turned out to be a very one-sided affair. The soldiers at no stage of the game had any possible chance of winning, and it was an accident that they scored any runs at all. The Short Line team began in the first inning and continued a procession over home plate until they had 18 tallies to their credit. The soldier boys didn’t get any during the first seven innings, but in the eighth and the ninth brought each a man over the square.

The crowd was one of the largest ever in attendance at a game on reservation grounds, the enthusiast evidently expecting to witness a good game. Many, too, were drawn thither from purely patriotic feelings , being anxious to manifest their interest in the returned heroes from San Juan hill. It may have been the charge at Santiago heights has taken much of the sporting stamina out of them; certain it was they did not play a very good game. In justice to the team, however, the fact should be noted that they have no opportunity to practicing together. There are many excellent players in the nine, and with practice, will be formidable opponents for any team in the state.” — Salt Lake Herald, October 10, 1898

 

Only five hundred spectators showed up for the Browns final game, played on October 23, 1898, between the Browns and the Salt Lake Elks. Sgt. Mack Stanfield, who had previously been the manager of the Fort Douglas ’97 team, acted as the field umpire for the game. Sgt. Stanfield was one of the many men who was wounded at the battle of San Juan heights.

 

 “THEY DEFEATED THE BROWNS AT FORT DOUGLAS

The game was called at 3 o’clock. Sergt. Stanfield and Joe Smith were chosen as umpires. The Elks went to bat first, and before the colored men had gotten thoroughly aroused four men scored. This was due to the poor work of the Browns in outfield, which was marked all through the game. This team, however, needs only practice to make it a strong aggregation . Willis is its second baseman , and a former left fielder in the Chicago Union team, did some excellent work, both at bat an on base. The team, with the exception of First Baseman Hellems and Pitcher Harris is made up of recruits recently brought from Kentucky, but nearly everyone showed experience on the diamond.” — Salt Lake Tribune, October, 24, 1898

 

Whether or not “Willis” was actually Willis Jones of the Chicago Union is subject to speculation. As an Independent Club, the Chicago Union only played four games in 1898. What is no longer open for speculation is the fact that Armstrong, Jackson, and Willis, three of the Fort Douglas’s most valued players, played on a predominately white team in 1898.

 

Jackson has likewise received his discharge, but is still in the city, and may be depended upon to play ball with some team during the season. Armstrong will also be missed from the ranks of the Browns.”

 

Taking a closer look at the Elks of Salt Lake later in the season, Jackson, Armstrong and Willis had joined the team, playing side by side with former rivals on what could be considered an ‘integrated’ team. Jackson began playing with the Elks around mid September 1898, and Armstrong and Willis followed Jackson shortly after in early October of 1898. Former second baseman Meinecke, from the 1897 Park City Miners, was second baseman for the Elks, and was the standout position he normally played for every team that recruited him. Meinecke also played for the ’97 Salt Lake Cracks, and the ’98 Eurekas — a new Park City team put together by ‘Old Hoss’ Harkness. The Eurekas only played a single game that season. They were defeated by the Elks in early June, by a score of 17 to 8, also losing the side bet of $100. McFarland, who played for the Elks, also played with the ’97 Oregon Short Line nine, ‘and the 97 Jubilees. Even the Oregon Short Line player, Hughley, eventually defected to the Elks of Salt Lake.

 

“The Elks bested the Ogden team in a closely contested game at the Fort Douglas grounds yesterday. The visitors put up good ball but the home nine, reinforced by Jackson, the colored catcher from the Browns, won out by a scratch. The day was so cold that not many ventured out, save the cranks. There was considerable money changed hands on the result, the Elks taking the long end. George Bennett, bicycle and baseball enthusiast, place coin on the Elks and went home a happier man, while the other fellow dropped off to make a meal out of a hot tomale.

Armstrong pitched a strong steady game for the home team and was hard to find. With Jackson behind the bat the Ogdenites had difficulty in scoring though they put up a pretty good game all through.” — Salt Lake Herald, October, 3, 1898

 

In the Eighth Inning, When Score was 16 to 13, the Short Line Club Quit Because of a Decision.

The trouble which ended the eight innings of alleged baseball arose out of a question of jurisdiction between Umpire Smith behind the bat and Umpire Stanfield in the field. Jackson of the Elks had reached first on a Short Line error, and was caught between first and second on what Umpire Smith called a balk by Kidder. Stanfield called Jackson out, but yielded to Smith’s decision. The Short Line refused to play unless Jackson was decided out, and Smith gave the game to the Elks.

It was perhaps fortunate that this game was the last of the season. Another game like it would hardly draw a corporal’s guard to the field. And yet the crowd had lots of fun. It started in to guy the players right at the beginning. Hughley, the Short Line seceder, wore an Elk uniform, and he was the butt of most of the jeering. His every move was watched and commented upon with caustic sarcasm by the crowd. Brig Smith got his share of the comment, and scarcely a man on the two teams escaped unscathed.

Armstrong of the old Browns pitched for five innings for the Elks, and was then replaced by Brig Smith. Neither was particularly effective, and their support was not good save in one or two innings.

Comment on the game is unnecessary. It was a footrace around the bases, with the Elks leading by a neck except for half an inning. Griggs and Barnes made two nice captures of long flies, and Willis, a clever colored lad, recruited to the Elks from the Browns, made a fine stop and throw to first, which brought him an ovation from the crowd.”– Salt Lake Tribune, October 31, 1898

 

In the month of October, many men of the 24th succumbed to relapses of yellow fever that had followed them home. It was a constant concern of the U.S. military in discovering the cause of this detrimental and debilitating disease which continued to curse the men of the 24th Infantry Regiment.

 

COLORED SOLDIERS STILL SUFFERING FROM CAMPAIGN

Many Case of Malarial Fever–Sergeants Appointed to Lieutenancies In the Ninth Immunes.

Notwithstanding the strenuous efforts to crush the dread disease, the Twenty-fourth infantry is to a certain extent still the clutches of malarial fever. In the month of October the post hospital received and treated 250 cases of sickness, about 175 of which were types of malaria, and the remaining number being convalescent cases of yellow fever and tonsolitis. There are at present 83 men on the sick report, 21 of whom are accommodated at the hospital, crowding it to its utmost capacity. the average number of new cases is 15, in most cases the illness is a relapse, the patients having been under treatment for the same cause at Montauk Point. Owing to the healthful climate, the present condition is not considered serious, and it is hoped to check a further spread of the disease.” — Salt Lake Herald, November 4, 1898

 

 

End: Part III

Part I   Part II   Part IV

 

[15] Salt Lake Tribune, February 6, 1898

[16] Salt Lake Tribune, April 18, 1898

[17] Salt Lake Tribune, July 4, 1898

[18] Ogden Standard, July 8, 1898

[19] Genealogy Quest » Spanish American War » 24th Infantry, 1st, 2nd and 3rd July 1898

[20] Army and Navy Journal, August 20, 1898, pg. 1053

[21] Stephen Bonsol, “The Fight For Santiago”, Doubleday & McClure Co., New York, 1899, pg. 170

[22] Stephen Bonsol, “The Fight For Santiago”, Doubleday & McClure Co., New York, 1899, pgs. 196-197

[23] Stephen Bonsol, “The Fight For Santiago”, Doubleday & McClure Co., New York, 1899, pg. 433

[24] Ogden Standard, July 13, 1898

[25] Stephen Bonsol, “The Fight For Santiago”, Doubleday & McClure Co., New York, 1899, pg. 433

[26] T.G. Steward, “The Colored Regulars in the United States Army”, A.M.E. Book Concern, Philadelphia, 1904, pg. 222

[27] Stephen Bonsol, “The Fight For Santiago”, Doubleday & McClure Co., New York, 1899, pg. 433-434

[28] Salt Lake Herald, August 23, 1898

[29] William A. Dobak, Thomas D. Phillips, “The Black Regulars, 1866-1898″, University of Oklahoma Press, 2001, pg. 52

[30] The Gazette from York, Pennsylvania, August, 28, 1898

[31] Deseret Evening News, October 1, 1898